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December 09, 2010

Holiday Suicides: Fact or Myth?


The idea that suicides occur more frequently during the holiday season is a long perpetuated myth. The Annenberg Public Policy Center has been tracking media reports on suicide since 2000. A recent analysis found that 40% of articles written during the 2008 holiday season perpetuated the myth.1

CDC’s National Center for Health Statistics reports that the suicide rate is, in fact, the lowest in December.1 The rate peaks in the spring and the fall. This pattern has not changed in recent years. The holiday suicide myth supports misinformation about suicide that might ultimately hamper prevention efforts. MFT Continuing Education http://www.aspirace.com
Suicide remains a major public health problem, one that occurs throughout the year. It is the 11th leading cause of death for all Americans. Each year, more than 33,000 people take their own lives.2 In addition, more than 376,000 are treated in emergency departments for self-inflicted injuries.2

CDC works to prevent suicidal behavior before it initially occurs. Some of CDC’s activities include:

1.monitoring suicidal behavior;
2.conducting research to identify the factors that put people at risk or protect them from suicide; and
3.developing and evaluating prevention programs.

November 08, 2010

Substance Abuse and Inhalants CEUs

The percentage of adolescents (i.e., youths aged 12 to 17) who used inhalants in the past year was lower in 2007 (3.9 percent) than in 2003, 2004, and 2005 (4.5, 4.6, and 4.5 percent, respectively)

Among adolescents who used inhalants for the first time in the past year (i.e., past year initiates), the rate of use of nitrous oxide or "whippits" declined between 2002 and 2007 among both genders (males: 40.2 to 20.2 percent; females: 22.3 to 12.2 percent)

In 2007, 17.2 percent of adolescents who initiated illicit drug use during the past year indicated that inhalants were the first drug that they used; this rate remained relatively stable between 2002 and 2007

Adolescents have easy access to some dangerous substances—ordinary household products such as glue, shoe polish, and aerosol sprays. These products are safe when used as intended, but they can be dangerous and even deadly when sniffed or "huffed" to get high. Preventing and treating inhalant use problems, as well as raising awareness about the dangers of inhalant use, are important ongoing goals of the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA). Monitoring trends in inhalant use is vital to assessing policies intended to reduce inhalant use.
This issue of The NSDUH Report examines trends in the use, dependence or abuse,1 and initiation of inhalants among adolescents (i.e., youths aged 12 to 17). The National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) defines inhalants as "liquids, sprays, and gases that people sniff or inhale to get high or to make them feel good." NSDUH collects data not only about the use of any inhalant, but also about the use of specific types of inhalants. Respondents who used inhalants were asked when they first used them, and responses to this question were used to identify persons who had initiated use in the 12 months before the survey. This report uses data from the 2002 through 2007 NSDUHs.

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Use and Dependence or Abuse
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In 2007, almost 1.0 million adolescents used inhalants in the past year; this represents 3.9 percent of adolescents, which was lower than the rate in 2003, 2004, and 2005 (4.5, 4.6, and 4.5 percent, respectively) (Figure 1). Past year dependence on or abuse of inhalants remained relatively stable between 2002 and 2007, with 0.4 percent of adolescents (around 99,000 persons) meeting the criteria for dependence or abuse in 2007.

Figure 1. Trends in Past Year Inhalant Use and Dependence or Abuse among Adolescents: 2002 to 2007



Figure 1 Table. Trends in Past Year Inhalant Use and Dependence or Abuse among Adolescents: 2002 to 2007 Trend 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
Past Year Use 4.4% 4.5%* 4.6%* 4.5%* 4.4% 3.9%
Past Year Dependence or Abuse 0.4% 0.4% 0.5% 0.4% 0.4% 0.4%
Source: 2002 to 2007 SAMHSA National Surveys on Drug Use and Health (NSDUHs).



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Past Year Initiation of Inhalant Use
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In 2007, 2.1 percent of adolescents who had not previously used inhalants began using them during the 12 months prior to the survey (Figure 2). This rate was lower than the rates of initiation for 2002, 2003, 2004, and 2005.

Figure 2. Trends in Past Year Initiation of Inhalants among Adolescents Who Had Not Previously Used Inhalants: 2002 to 2007**



Figure 2 Table. Trends in Past Year Initiation of Inhalants among Adolescents Who Had Not Previously Used Inhalants: 2002 to 2007** Trend 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
Past Year Initiation of Inhalants 2.6%* 2.6%* 2.6%* 2.6%* 2.4% 2.1%
Source: 2002 to 2007 SAMHSA National Surveys on Drug Use and Health (NSDUHs).



NSDUH also provides data on the first illicit drug initiated among past year initiates.2 In 2007, 17.2 percent of past year illicit drug initiates indicated that inhalants were the first drug that they used (Table 1). Marijuana was the first drug used by 56.3 percent of past year illicit drug initiates; nonmedically used prescription-type drugs were the first type of drug used by 23.5 percent of past year illicit drug initiates. These rates remained relatively stable between 2002 and 2007.

Table 1. Trends for First Drug Initiated in the Past Year among Adolescents Who Initiated Illicit Drug Use in the Past Year: 2002 to 2007** First Drug Initiated*** 2002
(%) 2003
(%) 2004
(%) 2005
(%) 2006
(%) 2007
(%)
Marijuana and Hashish 59.9% 57.6% 57.3% 55.0% 57.1% 56.3%
Nonmedical Use of Prescription-Type Drugs 22.2% 20.4% 21.3% 22.0% 22.0% 23.5%
Inhalants 14.5% 19.4% 19.2% 19.6% 17.4% 17.2%
Hallucinogens 2.9% 2.3% 2.1% 2.5% 3.0% 2.3%
Cocaine 0.7% 0.4% 0.5% 1.0% 0.9% 0.8%
Source: 2002 to 2007 SAMHSA National Surveys on Drug Use and Health (NSDUHs).


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Use of Specific Inhalants among Past Year Inhalant Initiates
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Among past year inhalant initiates, the percentage using most specific types of inhalants in 2007 did not differ significantly from the percentage in 2002 (Table 2); however, there were a few exceptions. Among past year inhalant initiates, use of nitrous oxide or "whippits" was lower in 2007 than in 2002 (16.3 vs. 31.6 percent), and use of aerosol spray other than spray paint3 was higher in 2007 than 2002 (25.0 vs. 12.6 percent).

Table 2. Trends in Past Year Use of Specific Types of Inhalants among Past Year Inhalant Initiates Aged 12 to 17: 2002 to 2007** Type of Inhalant 2002
(%) 2003
(%) 2004
(%) 2005
(%) 2006
(%) 2007
(%)
Amyl Nitrite, "Poppers," Locker Room Odorizers,
or "Rush" 14.0% 17.0% 12.6% 16.4% 16.5% 19.3%
Correction Fluid, Degreaser, or Cleaning Fluid 15.7% 19.7% 19.6% 19.6% 22.5% 19.3%
Gasoline or Lighter Fluid 26.2% 23.2% 25.3% 26.7% 27.0% 28.1%
Glue, Shoe Polish, or Toluene 32.9% 30.2% 27.6% 31.3% 25.6% 28.8%
Halothane, Ether, or Other Anesthetics 2.9% 2.9% 4.5% 3.4% 4.5% 5.7%
Lacquer Thinner or Other Paint Solvents 13.9% 10.7% 10.8% 13.3% 14.2% 12.8%
Lighter Gases, Such as Butane or Propane 9.3% 9.7% 9.2% 8.1% 7.1% 9.9%
Nitrous Oxide or "Whippits" 31.6% 23.0% 20.1% 21.3% 17.7% 16.3%
Spray Paints 21.4% 23.3% 25.4% 23.9% 28.1% 25.1%
Aerosol Sprays Other than Spray Paints+ 12.6% 17.6% 23.6% 25.4% 23.5% 25.0%
Source: 2002 to 2007 SAMHSA National Surveys on Drug Use and Health (NSDUHs).


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Discussion
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Although the rates of inhalant use and inhalant initiation appeared to be on a downward trend, particularly since 2005, the rates of dependence on or abuse of these substances remained stable between 2002 and 2007. Rates of use of specific types of inhalants among past year initiates generally did not differ significantly from 2002 to 2007, although a few types showed significant changes. Use of nitrous oxide or "whippits" decreased by half, and use of aerosol sprays other than spray paints doubled. Over the period from 2002 to 2007, 15 to 20 percent of past year illicit drug initiates indicated that inhalants were the first illicit drug they had used.

These findings highlight the ongoing need for prevention and treatment of inhalant use and abuse. Continuing efforts are needed among adolescents and their parents, other family members, teachers, service providers, and policymakers to increase awareness of the dangers of inhalant use. Awareness campaigns and prevention efforts may need targeted messages about the use of specific inhalants, such as aerosol air fresheners, aerosol sprays, and aerosol cleaning products.



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End Notes
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1 Substance dependence or abuse is defined using criteria in the 4th edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV), which includes symptoms such as withdrawal, tolerance, use in dangerous situations, trouble with the law, and interference in major obligations at work, school, or home during the past year.
2 Illicit drugs refer to marijuana/hashish, cocaine (including crack), inhalants, hallucinogens, heroin, or prescription-type drugs used nonmedically.
3 Aerosol sprays other than spray paint include products such as aerosol air fresheners, aerosol spray, and aerosol cleaning products (e.g., dusting sprays, furniture polish). The aerosol propellants in these products are commonly chlorofluorocarbons. By contrast, nitrous oxide is used as a propellant for whipped cream and is available in 2-inch tapered cylinders called "whippits" that are used to pressurize home whipped-cream charging bottles.


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Figure and Table Notes
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* Difference between this estimate and 2007 estimate is statistically significant at the .05 level.
** Past year initiates are defined as adolescents who used a drug for the first time during the 12 months prior to the survey.
*** First drug initiated is based on the date of the first use for each drug, with imputation for the day of the month and for the month of the year, if not reported. Respondents may be counted in more than one drug category if they reported initiating multiple drugs on the same day the first time that they used drugs.
+ See End Note 3.


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Suggested Citation
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Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Office of Applied Studies. (March 16, 2009). The NSDUH Report: Trends in Adolescent Inhalant Use: 2002 to 2007. Rockville, MD.

The National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) is an annual survey sponsored by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA). The 2002 to 2007 data used in this report are based on information obtained from 136,449 persons aged 12 to 17. The survey collects data by administering questionnaires to a representative sample of the population through face-to-face interviews at their place of residence.

The NSDUH Report is prepared by the Office of Applied Studies (OAS), SAMHSA, and by RTI International in Research Triangle Park, North Carolina. (RTI International is a trade name of Research Triangle Institute.)

Information on the most recent NSDUH is available in the following publication:

Office of Applied Studies. (2008). Results from the 2007 National Survey on Drug Use and Health: National findings (DHHS Publication No. SMA 08-4343, NSDUH Series H-34). Rockville, MD: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. Also available online: http://oas.samhsa.gov.

October 29, 2010

Genetic attribution for schizophrenia, depression, and skin cancer: impact on social distance.

Genetic attribution for schizophrenia, depression, and skin cancer: impact on social distance.
New Zealand Journal of Psychology| November 01, 2007 | Breheny, Mary | COPYRIGHT 1998New Zealand Psychological Society. This material is published under license from the publisher through the Gale Group, Farmington Hills, Michigan. All inquiries regarding rights should be directed to the Gale Group. (Hide copyright information)Copyright
Genetic explanations for mental and physical illness are increasingly common in both scientific research and in media reports generated from such research, however, the social impact of these explanations are less well understood. In this study it was predicted that both genetic attribution for illness and type of illness would be related to a desire for social distance. Participants were provided with a description of Jamie, who suffered from skin cancer, major depression, or schizophrenia. This illness was described as either having a strongly genetic basis, no genetic basis, or no causal explanation was provided. Participants then indicated their willingness to interact with Jamie using the Social Distance Scale. Type of illness described did significantly influence social distance score, with participants more willing to interact with Jamie when he was described as having skin cancer than schizophrenia or major depression. There was a significant interaction between illness type and genetic attribution for illness, with an increase in willingness to interact when schizophrenia was described as genetically caused and a decrease in willingness to interact when major depression was described as genetically caused. Genetic explanations may be suggested to reduce the stigma associated with mental illnesses, however, these explanations work in complex ways and may not uniformly reduce illness related stigma.

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The role o f genetics in determining health and wellbeing is increasingly discussed in scientific research (de Jong, 2000) and in media reports of such research (Conrad, 2001). The genetic component of complex traits is often investigated (de Jong, 2000), including the contribution of genetics to criminality (see Lowenstein, 2003; Martens, 2002; Retz, Retz-Junginger, Supprian, Thome & Rosler, 2004), and mental illness (see Thompson, Watson, Steinhauer, Goldstein & Pogue-Geile, 2005). Media representations contribute to lay explanations, and genetic factors are commonly identified as causing mental illness. Around two thirds of an Australian community sample attributed schizophrenia and depression to genetic causes (Jorm, Christensen & Griffiths, 2005). However, the impact of a claim of a genetic basis for complex psychological traits has received relatively little attention (Lemke, 2004), and may be a useful framework for understanding public attitudes towards those with mental illnesses (Zissi, 2006).

Genetic Attribution

Genetic explanations may influence understandings of human behaviour and the stigma associated with these behaviours (Phelan, 2005). Reframing mental illness as a brain disease with a genetic component has been suggested to reduce the stigma associated with mental illness; however, conversely, this may exacerbate experience of stigma (Bag, Yilmaz, Kirpinar, 2006; Corrigan & Watson, 2004). In support of this, Dietrich, Matschinger and Angermeyer (2006) found that biological or genetic causes of schizophrenia were associated with greater fear and reduced willingness to interact with people with schizophrenia. Phelan (2005) also found that genetic causes were associated with greater seriousness, persistence, and transmissibility of deviance. Research has found less blame attributed to those with genetically caused schizophrenia (Phelan, 2002), and less stigma associated with causes beyond the patients control, including genetic transmission (Martin, Pescosolido & Tuch, 2000; van't Veer, Kraan, Drosseart, & Modde, 2006). Phelan (2005) found some participants reported both reduced blame and increased associative stigma for genetically caused mental illnesses. Genetic causes for mental illness may have complex effects, ameliorating the blame associated with mental illness, bur increasing stigma.

Social Distance

Stigma is an attribute that discredits an individual, reducing them from a whole person to a discounted person in the eyes of others (Major & O'Brien, 2005). The evaluations of stigmatised others are widely shared, and are used as the basis for excluding or avoiding members of the discredited category (Major & O'Brien, 2005). Social distance is a way to assess attitudes towards those with a stigmatised identity, and is defined as the relative willingness to participate in relationships of varying intimacy with those who have a devalued social identity (Lauber, Nordt, Falcato & Rossler, 2004). Measures of social distance are widely used to assess attitudes to mental illness (Reinke, Corrigan, Leonhard, Lundin & Kubiak, 2004), by measuring participants' reported willingness to engage in relationships with a person described as having a particular illness (Lauber et al., 2004).

October 12, 2010

Care of Adults With Mental Health and Substance Abuse Disorders in U.S. Community Hospitals

Care of Adults With Mental Health and Substance Abuse Disorders in U.S. Community Hospitals, 2004
Executive Summary
Mental health and substance abuse (MHSA) disorders place a substantial burden on individuals, families, the health care system, and the economy. Beyond the personal costs of these conditions, mental illness and substance abuse result in lost productivity, increased medical expenditures, and other costs including those resulting from law enforcement activities.

Community hospitals play an important role in the treatment of individuals with MHSA disorders. For some of these patients, the MHSA disorder is the principal diagnosis, or the main reason for the hospital stay. For others, the MHSA disorder complicates a principal non-MHSA diagnosis and is listed on the hospital record as a secondary diagnosis. In 2004, 24 percent of stays in community hospitals were for patients with principal and/or secondary MHSA diagnoses.

In 2004, adults with a mental health and/or substance abuse diagnosis accounted for 1 out of 4 stays at U.S. community hospitals—7.6 million hospital stays.

This Fact Book examines community hospital care for adults 18 years of age and older with MHSA diagnoses. Community hospitals are non-Federal, short-term (or acute care) general and specialty hospitals. They include any type of hospital that is open to the public, such as academic medical centers, medical specialty hospitals, and public hospitals, but they do not include specialty psychiatric or substance abuse treatment facilities.

This Fact Book provides an overview of hospital stays involving MHSA disorders and addresses these key questions:

■What are the common reasons for hospitalization, by type and diagnosis?
■How do stays vary by gender and age?
■How are patients admitted to the hospital?
■What is the mean length of stay?
■How much do hospital stays cost?
■What percentage of hospital resource use is attributable to MHSA disorders?
■Who is billed for hospital stays?
■Where do patients go after they are discharged?
In addition, this Fact Book presents detailed statistics on three special topics related to MHSA hospitalizations:

■Dual diagnosis stays (i.e., the patient has both a substance-related and a mental health disorder).
■Stays related to suicide or attempted suicide.
■Maternal stays complicated by a mental health or substance abuse disorder.
Eleven mutually exclusive categories of MHSA disorders are examined in this Fact Book:

•Mood disorders.
•Substance-related disorders.
•Delirium, dementia, and amnestic and cognitive disorders.
•Anxiety disorders.
•Schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders.
•Personality disorders.
•Adjustment disorders.
•Disruptive behavior disorders.
•Impulse control disorders.
•Disorders usually diagnosed in infancy, childhood, and adolescence.
•Miscellaneous mental disorders.
What Are the Common Reasons for Hospitalization, by Type and Diagnosis?
In 2004, nearly 1 out of 4 hospital stays for adults in U.S. community hospitals involved MHSA disordersi—about 7.6 million hospitalizations. Of these, 1.9 million hospitalizations (6 percent of adult hospital stays) had a principal MHSA diagnosis and 5.7 million (18 percent) were primarily for non-MHSA diagnoses but had a secondary mental health or substance abuse diagnosis.

The top 5 MHSA diagnosesii seen in the hospital were mood disorders, substance-related disorders, delirium/dementia, anxiety disorders, and schizophrenia. One out of every 10 hospital stays included a diagnosis of mood disorders (over 3.3 million stays). One out of every 14 hospital stays included substance-related disorders (2.3 million stays). One out of every 20 stays was related to delirium/dementia (1.7 million stays).


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iBased on all-listed diagnoses.
iiBased on all-listed MHSA diagnoses.


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How Do Stays Vary by Gender and Age?
Gender
There were more MHSA-related hospital stays for women than for men. Although women comprised 51 percent of the U.S. adult population, they accounted for 58 percent of MHSA-related stays and 62 percent of non-MHSA stays. The most frequent MHSA diagnosis among hospitalized women was mood disorders. Substance abuse was the most frequent MHSA diagnosis in the hospital for men. Substance-related disorders were 3 times more common among hospitalized men than women.

Age
Older age groups accounted for a disproportionate share of hospital stays for MHSA disorders in 2004. For example, adults 80 and older comprised 5 percent of the U.S. adult population, yet they accounted for nearly 21 percent of MHSA hospital stays. In contrast, adults ages 18 to 44 comprised over half the total U.S. population, but accounted for 30 percent of MHSA hospital stays.

Among adults younger than 80, the most common MHSA diagnosis was mood disorders. Overall, 11 percent of stays for people 18-44 years of age, 13 percent of those 45-64 years of age, and 8 percent of those 65-79 years of age included a diagnosis of mood disorders. For adults 80 and older, delirium/dementia was the most common MHSA diagnosis; this disorder was noted in 21 percent of hospital stays for this age group, but mood disorders ranked second for this age group (8 percent of stays).

The second most common MHSA diagnosis for adults ages 18-64 was substance-related disorders, which was noted in about 10 percent of all hospital stays for this age group.

The distribution of age varied by the top 5 most common MHSA diagnoses. Almost half of all substance-related stays were for adults ages 18-44 while nearly all (93 percent) of the stays related to dementia/delirium were for adults age 65 and older.

One out of every 10 hospital stays included a diagnosis of mood disorders.

One out of every 14 hospital stays involved substance-related disorders.

The most frequent MHSA diagnosis among hospitalized women was mood disorders.

The most frequent MHSA diagnosis for men was substance-related disorders. Substance-related disorders were 3 times more common among hospitalized men than women.

Adults 80 and older comprised 5 percent of the U.S. adult population, yet they accounted for 21 percent of MHSA hospital stays.


How Are Patients Admitted to the Hospital?
Nearly 61 percent of MHSA-related admissions occur through the emergency department (ED) compared to only 45 percent of admissions with no MHSA diagnosis.

Adults with only secondary MHSA diagnoses were the most likely to be admitted through the ED—64 percent—compared with 51 percent for admissions with principal MHSA diagnoses only.

What Is the Mean Length of Stay?
Adults with any MHSA diagnosis (principal or secondary) stayed in the hospital longer than adults with non-MHSA diagnoses (5.8 versus 4.5 days). The difference was even more pronounced for adults with only a principal MHSA diagnosis—they stayed in the hospital an average of 8 days compared with 5 days for patients with non-MHSA diagnoses.

How Much Do Hospital Stays Cost?
Cost, by Type
The mean total cost for a hospital stay with any MHSA diagnosis ($7,800) was $1,100 lower than for stays with no MHSA diagnosis ($8,900). The mean cost per day for MHSA hospitalizations also was lower than for non-MHSA hospital stays—$1,600 per day compared with $2,300 per day—indicating that MHSA stays were less resource intensive.

The difference in cost was even more pronounced for adults with only a principal MHSA diagnosis. The mean total cost for a hospital stay with only a principal MHSA diagnosis was 39 percent lower than non-MHSA stays ($6,400 versus $8,900), and costs per day were 171 percent lower ($900 versus $2,300).

Cost, by Principal Diagnosis
Hospitalizations for the 5 most common principal MHSA diagnoses—mood disorder, schizophrenia, substance-related disorders, dementia/delirium, and anxiety disorders—cost $9.9 billion nationally.

The most common principal MHSA diagnosis—mood disorders—had the highest aggregate inpatient hospital costs of all MHSA diagnoses at $3.4 billion nationally in 2004. On a per stay basis, schizophrenia was the most expensive of the common principal MHSA diagnoses to treat at $8,000 per stay.

Hospitalizations for the 5 most common principal MHSA diagnoses cost $9.9 billion nationally.
About 33 percent of all uninsured stays, 29 percent of Medicaid stays, and 26 percent of Medicare stays were related to MHSA disorders, compared with only 16 percent of privately insured stays.

Over 66 percent of adult hospital stays with MHSA diagnoses were billed to the government in 2004.

Who Is Billed for Hospital Stays?
A large proportion of stays for the uninsured and for patients covered by Medicaid and Medicare were related to MHSA disorders. About 33 percent of all uninsured stays, 29 percent of Medicaid stays, and 26 percent of Medicare stays were related to MHSA disorders. On the other hand, only 16 percent of privately insured stays were related to MHSA disorders.

Expected Primary Payer, by Type
Over 66 percent of adult hospital stays with MHSA diagnoses were billed to the government in 2004. Medicaid was billed for 18 percent of all MHSA-related stays and Medicare was billed for 49 percent of all MHSA stays. In comparison, 57 percent of hospital stays with non-MHSA diagnoses were billed to the government.

Stays for patients with MHSA diagnoses were 36 percent more likely to be billed as uninsured than stays unrelated to MHSA diagnoses. Nearly 8 percent of MHSA stays were uninsured compared with about 5 percent of stays with non-MHSA diagnoses. Patients with both principal and secondary MHSA diagnoses were the most likely to be uninsured—nearly 13 percent compared with 5 percent for patients with non-MHSA diagnoses.

Only about 23 percent of stays with MHSA diagnoses were billed to private health insurance compared with about 37 percent of stays with non-MHSA diagnoses.

Expected Primary Payer, by Principal Diagnosis
Hospital stays related to schizophrenia and those associated with delirium/dementia were the most likely to be billed to the government. Over 78 percent of hospital stays for schizophrenia were billed to the government (35 percent to Medicaid and 44 percent to Medicare). Similarly, 90 percent of hospital stays for delirium/dementia were billed to the government (4 percent to Medicaid and 86 percent to Medicare). Schizophrenia is a qualifying disorder for Medicaid, and delirium/dementia is more frequent among the elderly who are covered by Medicare. In contrast, 53 percent of hospital stays for mood disorders and 52 percent of stays for substance-related disorders were billed to government payers.

Where Do Patients Go After They Are Discharged?
Adults with MHSA disorders were more likely to be transferred to non-acute health care facilities (which include psychiatric facilities, nursing homes, and rehabilitation centers) compared to those with non-MHSA diagnoses. Although only 11 percent of non-MHSA stays ended in transfers to non-acute facilities, 16 percent of stays for a principal MHSA diagnosis ended with such a transfer in 2004. Because of the large proportion of elderly patients with dementia as a secondary diagnosis, 27 percent of hospital stays with only secondary MHSA diagnoses ended with transfer to non-acute health care facilities.

Hospital stays that were principally for MHSA disorders were the least likely to be discharged to home health care. Only 2 percent of hospital stays for principal MHSA diagnoses ended in discharge to home health care, compared with 11 percent of stays with only secondary MHSA diagnoses and 10 percent of non-MHSA stays.

Over 78 percent of hospital stays for schizophrenia and 90 percent of hospital stays for delirium/dementia were billed to the government.
Hospital stays related to MHSA disorders accounted for roughly one-fourth of total resource use: 24 percent of all adult stays, 29 percent of days in the hospital, and 22 percent of total hospital costs.

About 3 percent of all hospital stays (nearly 1 million hospitalizations) involved dual diagnosis—both substance-related and mental health disorder.

Men and adults 18-44 are most likely to have a dual diagnosis—55 percent and 60 percent, respectively.



What Percentage of Hospital Resource Use Is Attributable to MHSA Disorders?
MHSA disorders accounted for roughly one-fourth of total resource use in 2004. MHSA disorders were involved in about 24 percent of all adult hospital stays, 29 percent of days in the hospital, and 22 percent of total hospital costs.

Dual Diagnosis Stays
A person with both a substance-related problem and a mental health disorder is considered to have a dual diagnosis. In 2004, nearly 1 million adult hospital stays involved a dual diagnosis—3 percent of all hospital stays. About 13 percent of all MHSA-related hospital stays involved a dual diagnosis.

Among dual diagnosis stays, 34 percent of patients had alcohol-related problems, 45 percent had drug-related problems, and 22 percent had both alcohol- and drug-related problems. The most frequent mental health disorder associated with substance-related problems was mood disorders (68 percent). All other mental health disorders were much less frequent. Anxiety disorders were seen in about 19 percent of hospital stays with a dual diagnosis and schizophrenia was seen in about 18 percent of these stays.

Most dually diagnosed inpatients were men and were younger. Fifty-five percent of stays with a dual diagnosis were for men, even though 41 percent of other MHSA stays and 38 percent of non-MHSA stays were for men. Similarly, nearly 60 percent of all dually diagnosed inpatients were ages 18-44, even though this age group comprised only 26 percent of other MHSA stays and 33 percent of adult non-MHSA hospital stays.

Hospital stays for dual diagnosis were more likely to be billed as uninsured or billed to Medicaid than to any other payer.

Suicide-Related Stays
In 2004, nearly 179,000 adult hospital stays were related to suicide or suicide attempts. By far, the most frequent mechanism of injury for suicide-related hospitalizations was poisoning. Nearly two-thirds of hospital stays for suicide attempts were a result of poisoning, while 1 in 10 hospital stays for suicide attempts was a result of cutting/piercing. Firearms were implicated in only 1 percent of suicide-related hospital stays.

Nearly all suicide-related hospital stays involved MHSA disorders (93 percent). The single most common MHSA diagnosis related to attempted suicide was mood disorders, which accounted for nearly 70 percent of all suicide-related stays.

Adults hospitalized for suicide attempt were younger than other patients. Most suicide-related hospital stays occurred among adults ages 18-44 (72 percent), followed by adults ages 45-64 (24 percent). Patients ages 65 and older made up less than 4 percent of all suicide-related stays. Uninsured stays and stays billed to Medicaid made up nearly half of all suicide-related hospitalizations. Even though only 5 percent of non-MHSA hospital stays were uninsured, 22 percent of suicide-related stays were uninsured. Nearly 13 percent of non-MHSA hospital stays were billed to Medicaid compared with 23 percent of suicide-related stays.

There were nearly 179,000 adult hospital stays related to suicide or suicide attempts.

Poisoning accounted for 2 out of 3 suicide-related stays—the most frequent mechanism of injury.

Most suicide-related stays (72 percent) were among adults 18-44.

Although only 5 percent of non-MHSA hospital stays were uninsured, 22 percent of suicide-related stays were uninsured.

Five percent of maternal hospital stays involved at least one MHSA disorder.

Medicaid was billed for 38 percent of non-MHSA-related maternal stays but almost 57 percent of MHSA-related maternal stays.



Maternal Stays
In 2004, nearly 4.6 million hospital stays were for women with maternal conditions and of these, 240,000 (5 percent) were complicated by at least one MHSA disorder. Women with MHSA disorders complicating a maternal stay were disproportionately younger, ages 18-24. Even though this group accounted for only 32 percent of non-MHSA-related maternal stays, they were responsible for 40 percent of all MHSA-related maternal stays.

Medicaid was much more likely to be billed for maternal stays complicated by MHSA disorders compared with all other payers. Medicaid was billed for 38 percent of non-MHSA-related maternal stays but almost 57 percent of maternal stays with MHSA disorders.

Return to Contents

Foreword
The mission of the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) is to improve the quality, safety, efficiency, and effectiveness of health care for all Americans. To help fulfill this mission, AHRQ develops a number of powerful databases, including those created by the Healthcare Cost and Utilization Project (HCUP). HCUP is a Federal-State-Industry partnership designed to build a standardized, multi-State health data system; HCUP features databases, software tools, and statistical reports to inform policymakers, health system leaders, and researchers.

For data to be useful, they must be disseminated in a timely, accessible way. To meet this objective, AHRQ launched HCUPnet, an interactive, Internet-based tool for identifying, tracking, analyzing, and comparing statistics on hospital utilization, outcomes, and charges (http://www.hcupnet.ahrq.gov/). Menu-driven HCUPnet guides users in tailoring specific queries about hospital care online; with a click of a button, users receive answers within seconds.

To make HCUP data even more accessible, AHRQ disseminates HCUP Statistical Briefs, an online publication series that presents simple, descriptive statistics on a variety of specific, focused topics (http://www.hcup-us.ahrq.gov/reports/statbriefs.jsp). Statistical Briefs are made available regularly throughout the year and have covered topics such as hospitalizations among the uninsured, the national bill for hospital care by payer, and hospitalizations related to childbirth.

In addition, AHRQ produces the HCUP Fact Books to highlight statistics about hospital care in the United States in an easy-to-use, readily accessible format. Each Fact Book provides information about specific aspects of hospital care—the single largest component of our health care dollar. These national estimates are benchmarks against which States and others can compare their own data.

This Fact Book examines inpatient care of mental health and substance abuse (MHSA) disorders. Because HCUP nationwide databases do not include data from long-term care facilities, specialty psychiatric hospitals, or substance-abuse treatment facilities, this report provides a detailed analysis of the treatment of these disorders in short-term, non-Federal, community hospitals. This Fact Book considers MHSA disorders among adults ages 18 and older and offers comprehensive statistics on special topics related to MHSA hospitalizations.

We invite you to tell us how you are using this Fact Book and other HCUP data and tools and to share suggestions on how HCUP products might be enhanced to further meet your needs. Please e-mail us at hcup@ahrq.gov or send a letter to the address below.

Irene Fraser, Ph.D.
Director
Center for Delivery, Organization, and Markets
Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality
540 Gaither Road
Rockville, MD 20850

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Contributors
HCUP is based on data collected by individual State Partner organizations (including State departments of health, hospital associations, and private agencies). These organizations provide the data to AHRQ where the data are converted to uniform data products. Without the participation of the following Partner organizations, HCUP and the 2004 Nationwide Inpatient Sample (NIS) would not be possible:

•Arkansas Department of Health & Human Services
•Arizona Department of Health Services
•California Office of Statewide Health Planning & Development
•Colorado Health and Hospital Association
•Connecticut Integrated Health Information (Chime, Inc.)
•Florida Agency for Health Care Administration
•Georgia Hospital Association (GHA)
•Hawaii Health Information Corporation
•Illinois Department of Public Health
•Indiana Hospital & Health Association
•Iowa Hospital Association
•Kansas Hospital Association
•Kentucky Cabinet for Health and Family Services
•Maryland Health Services Cost Review Commission
•Massachusetts Division of Health Care Finance and Policy
•Michigan Health & Hospital Association
•Minnesota Hospital Association
•Missouri Hospital Industry Data Institute
•Nebraska Hospital Association
•Nevada Department of Human Resources
•New Hampshire Department of Health and Human Services
•New Jersey Department of Health & Senior Services
•New York State Department of Health
•North Carolina Department of Health and Human Services
•Ohio Hospital Association
•Oregon Association of Hospitals and Health Systems
•Rhode Island Department of Health
•South Carolina State Budget & Control Board
•South Dakota Association of Healthcare Organizations
•Tennessee Hospital Association
•Texas Department of State Health Services
•Utah Department of Health
•Vermont Association of Hospitals and Health Systems
•Virginia Health Information
•Washington State Department of Health
•West Virginia Health Care Authority
•Wisconsin Department of Health & Family Services
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Introduction
For those diagnosed with mental health and/or substance abuse (MHSA) disorders, social relationships are strained, and the ability to perform at school and work is impaired. Many are too debilitated to work. The loss of wages is a burden on families and the loss of labor negatively impacts the economy. Moreover, the financial burden of treatment for these chronic conditions is substantial.1-2

Although an untold number of individuals who suffer from MHSA disorders will go untreated, for those who do receive care, treatment settings are varied. Some will seek care in outpatient or ambulatory settings, where the majority of specialty MHSA care takes place. Others will need more intense treatment in an inpatient setting—community hospitals or long-term, residential facilities. With the continued drop in psychiatric beds in specialty facilities, community hospitals have become the primary source of short-term inpatient care.1, 3

This Fact Book examines community hospital stays for adults with MHSA disorders in 2004. MHSA disorders examined in this Fact Book include:

•Mood disorders.
•Substance-related disorders.
•Delirium, dementia, and amnestic and cognitive disorders.
•Anxiety disorders.
•Schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders.
•Personality disorders.
•Adjustment disorders.
•Disruptive behavior disorders.
•Impulse control disorders.
•Disorders usually diagnosed in infancy, childhood or adolescence.
•Miscellaneous mental disorders.
In addition, several special topics are addressed, such as dual diagnosis, hospitalizations for suicide attempt, and maternal stays complicated by MHSA disorders.

Information on data sources and methods are available at the end of the Fact Book. A glossary contains MHSA terms used in this Fact Book. Appendix A provides information on the mapping of diagnostic codes to MHSA disorders. Appendix B provides more detailed information on hospital stays for specific principal MHSA disorders. Appendix C highlights common principal and secondary diagnoses by gender and age.

Treatment in Community Versus Specialty Hospitals
This Fact Book presents information on MHSA stays in U.S. community hospitals, which are defined by the American Hospital Association as “all non-Federal, short-term (or acute care) general and specialty hospitals.”4 Although community hospitals include any type of hospital that is open to the public, such as academic medical centers, medical specialty hospitals, and public hospitals, they do not include specialty psychiatric or substance abuse treatment facilities.

■In 2004, nearly all community hospitals in the United States (98.0 percent) provided care to patients with MHSA disorders.
■Almost one-fourth of adult stays in community hospitals (23.8 percent) involved a MHSA disorder.
■Almost 10 times as many patients with MHSA disorders—7.6 million—were seen in community hospitals as in psychiatric facilities.
■Although specialty psychiatric facilities provided nearly 27 million days of care annually, community hospitals provided over 44 million days of care to patients with MHSA disorders.
■Stays in community hospitals were considerably shorter than stays in specialty facilities. The mean length of stay for MHSA disorders was 5.8 days in community hospitals compared to 33.0 days in specialty psychiatric facilities.

May 21, 2010

Eating Disorders

EATING DISORDERS
What are eating disorders?

Who has eating disorders?

What are the symptoms of eating disorders?

What medical problems can arise as a result of eating disorders?

What is required for a formal diagnosis of an eating disorder?

How are eating disorders treated?

For a referral to the nearest therapist specializing in eating disorders

What are eating disorders?

Eating disorders often are long-term illnesses that may require long-term treatment. In addition, eating disorders frequently occur with other mental disorders such as depression, substance abuse, and anxiety disorders (NIMH, 2002). The earlier these disorders are diagnosed and treated, the better the chances are for full recovery. This fact sheet identifies the common signs, symptoms, and treatment for three of the most common eating disorders: anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and binge-eating disorder (NIMH, 2002).
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Who has eating disorders?

Research shows that more than 90 percent of those who have eating disorders are women between the ages of 12 and 25 (National Alliance for the Mentally Ill, 2003). However, increasing numbers of older women and men have these disorders. In addition, hundreds of thousands of boys are affected by these disorders (U.S. DHHS Office on Women's Health, 2000).
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What are the symptoms of eating disorders?

Anorexia nervosa - People who have anorexia develop unusual eating habits such as avoiding food and meals, picking out a few foods and eating them in small amounts, weighing their food, and counting the calories of everything they eat. Also, they may exercise excessively.

Bulimia nervosa - People who have bulimia eat an excessive amount of food in a single episode and almost immediately make themselves vomit or use laxatives or diuretics (water pills) to get rid of the food in their bodies. This behavior often is referred to as the "binge/purge" cycle. Like people with anorexia, people with bulimia have an intense fear of gaining weight.

Binge-eating disorder - People with this recently recognized disorder have frequent episodes of compulsive overeating, but unlike those with bulimia, they do not purge their bodies of food (NIMH, 2002). During these food binges, they often eat alone and very quickly, regardless of whether they feel hungry or full. They often feel shame or guilt over their actions. Unlike anorexia and bulimia, binge-eating disorder occurs almost as often in men as in women (National Eating Disorders Association, 2002).
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What medical problems can arise as a result of eating disorders?

Anorexia nervosa - Anorexia can slow the heart rate and lower blood pressure, increasing the chance of heart failure. Those who use drugs to stimulate vomiting, bowel movements, or urination are also at high risk for heart failure. Starvation can also lead to heart failure, as well as damage the brain. Anorexia may also cause hair and nails to grow brittle. Skin may dry out, become yellow, and develop a covering of soft hair called lanugo. Mild anemia, swollen joints, reduced muscle mass, and light-headedness also commonly occur as a consequence of this eating disorder. Severe cases of anorexia can lead to brittle bones that break easily as a result of calcium loss.

Bulimia nervosa - The acid in vomit can wear down the outer layer of the teeth, inflame and damage the esophagus (a tube in the throat through which food passes to the stomach), and enlarge the glands near the cheeks (giving the appearance of swollen cheeks). Damage to the stomach can also occur from frequent vomiting. Irregular heartbeats, heart failure, and death can occur from chemical imbalances and the loss of important minerals such as potassium. Peptic ulcers, pancreatitis (inflammation of the pancreas, which is a large gland that aids digestion), and long-term constipation are also consequences of bulimia.

Binge-eating disorder - Binge-eating disorder can cause high blood pressure and high cholesterol levels. Other effects of binge-eating disorder include fatigue, joint pain, Type II diabetes, gallbladder disease, and heart disease.
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What is required for a formal diagnosis of an eating disorder?

Anorexia nervosa - Weighs at least 15 percent below what is considered normal for others of the same height and age; misses at least three consecutive menstrual cycles (if a female of childbearing age); has an intense fear of gaining weight; refuses to maintain the minimal normal body weight; and believes he or she is overweight though in reality is dangerously thin (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 1994; NIMH, 2002).

Bulimia nervosa - At least two binge/purge cycles a week, on average, for at least 3 months; lacks control over his or her eating behavior; and seems obsessed with his or her body shape and weight (APA, 1994; NIMH, 2002).

Binge-eating disorder - At least two binge-eating episodes a week, on average, for 6 months; and lacks control over his or her eating behavior (NIMH, 2002).
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How are eating disorders treated?

Anorexia nervosa - The first goal for the treatment of anorexia is to ensure the person's physical health, which involves restoring a healthy weight (NIMH, 2002). Reaching this goal may require hospitalization. Once a person's physical condition is stable, treatment usually involves individual psychotherapy and family therapy during which parents help their child learn to eat again and maintain healthy eating habits on his or her own. Behavioral therapy also has been effective for helping a person return to healthy eating habits. Supportive group therapy may follow, and self-help groups within communities may provide ongoing support.

Bulimia nervosa - Unless malnutrition is severe, any substance abuse problems that may be present at the time the eating disorder is diagnosed are usually treated first. The next goal of treatment is to reduce or eliminate the person's binge eating and purging behavior (NIMH, 2002). Behavioral therapy has proven effective in achieving this goal. Psychotherapy has proven effective in helping to prevent the eating disorder from recurring and in addressing issues that led to the disorder. Studies have also found that Prozac, an antidepressant, may help people who do not respond to psychotherapy (APA, 2002). As with anorexia, family therapy is also recommended.

Binge-eating disorder - The goals and strategies for treating binge-eating disorder are similar to those for bulimia. Binge-eating disorder was recognized only recently as an eating disorder, and research is under way to study the effectiveness of different interventions (NIMH, 2002).
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For a referral to the nearest therapist specializing in eating disorders, contact:

National Association of Anorexia Nervosa and Associated Disorders
P.O. Box 7
Highland Park, IL 60035
Hotline: 1-847-831-3438
http://www.anad.org/

National Eating Disorders Association
Informational and Referral Program
603 Stewart Street, Suite 803
Seattle, WA 98101
1-800-931-2237
http://www.nationaleatingdisorders.org

Note: The above is a suggested resource. It is not meant to be a complete list.

May 11, 2010

Suicide: Consequences

Suicide: Consequences
Cost to Society
•The total lifetime cost of self-inflicted injuries occurring in 2000 was approximately $33 billion. This includes $1 billion for medical treatment and $32 billion for lost productivity (Corso et al. 2007).
Consequences
•Suicide is the 11th leading cause of death among Americans (CDC, 2006).
•Over 33,000 people kill themselves each year (CDC, 2006).
•Approximately 395,000 people with self-inflicted injuries are treated in emergency departments each year (CDC, 2007).
•Many people are exposed to another person's suicide which may affect them psychologically. One estimate was that approximately 7% of the US population knew someone who died of suicide during the past 12 months. (Crosby and Sacks, 2002).
References
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System (WISQARS). Atlanta, GA: National Center for Injury Prevention and Control. Available at: www.cdc.gov/ncipc/wisqars. Last modified 2008 August 26.

Crosby AE, Sacks JJ. Exposure to suicide: Incidence and association with suicidal ideation and behavior – United States, 1994. Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior 2002; 32:321–328.

Corso PS, Mercy JA, Simon TR, Finkelstein EA, & Miller TR. Medical Costs and Productivity Losses Due to Interpersonal Violence and Self- Directed Violence. American Journal of Preventive Medicine 2007: 32(6): 474–482.

April 17, 2010

Specific Treatments for Episodes of Depression and Mania

Specific Treatments for Episodes of Depression and Mania
This section describes specific types of pharmacotherapies and psychosocial therapies for episodes of depression and mania. Treatment generally targets symptom patterns rather than specific disorders. Differences in the treatment strategy for unipolar and bipolar depression are described where relevant.

Treatment of Major Depressive Episodes

Pharmacotherapies
Antidepressant medications are effective across the full range of severity of major depressive episodes in major depressive disorder and bipolar disorder (American Psychiatric Association, 1993; Depression Guideline Panel, 1993; Frank et al., 1993). The degree of effectiveness, however, varies according to the intensity of the depressive episode. With mild depressive episodes, the overall response rate is about 70 percent, including a placebo rate of about 60 percent (Thase & Howland, 1995). With severe depressive episodes, the overall response rate is much lower, as is the placebo rate. For example, with psychotic depression, the overall response rate to any one drug is only about 20 to 40 percent (Spiker, 1985), including a placebo response rate of less than 10 percent (Spiker & Kupfer, 1988; Schatzberg & Rothschild, 1992). Psychotic depression is treated with either an antidepressant/antipsychotic combination or ECT (Spiker, 1985; Schatzberg & Rothschild, 1992).

There are four major classes of antidepressant medications. The tricyclic and heterocyclic antidepressants (TCAs and HCAs) are named for their chemical structure. The MAOIs and SSRIs are classified by their initial neurochemical effects. In general, MAOIs and SSRIs increase the level of a target neurotransmitter by two distinct mechanisms. But, as discussed below, these classes of medications have many other effects. They also have some differential effects depending on the race or ethnicity of the patient.

The mode of action of antidepressants is complex and only partly understood. Put simply, most antidepressants are designed to heighten the level of a target neurotransmitter at the neuronal synapse. This can be accomplished by one or more of the following therapeutic actions: boosting the neurotransmitter’s synthesis, blocking its degradation, preventing its reuptake from the synapse into the presynaptic neuron, or mimicking its binding to postsynaptic receptors. To make matters more complicated, many antidepressant drugs affect more than one neurotransmitter. Explaining how any one drug alleviates depression probably entails multiple therapeutic actions, direct and indirect, on more than one neurotransmitter system (Feighner, 1999).

Selection of a particular antidepressant for a particular patient depends upon the patient’s past treatment history, the likelihood of side effects, safety in overdose, and expense (Depression Guideline Panel, 1993). A vast majority of U.S. psychiatrists favor the SSRIs as“first-line” medications (Olfson & Klerman, 1993). These agents are viewed more favorably than the TCAs because of their ease of use, more manageable side effects, and safety in overdose (Kapur et al., 1992; Preskorn & Burke, 1992). Perhaps the major drawback of the SSRIs is their expense: they are only available as name brands (until 2002 when they begin to come off patent). At minimum, SSRI therapy costs about $80 per month (Burke et al., 1994), and patients taking higher doses face proportionally greater costs.

Four SSRIs have been approved by the FDA for treatment of depression: fluoxetine, sertraline, paroxetine, and citalopram. A fifth SSRI, fluvoxamine, is approved for treatment of obsessive-compulsive disorder, yet is used off-label for depression.11 There are few compelling reasons to pick one SSRI over another for treatment of uncomplicated major depression, because they are more similar than different (Aguglia et al., 1993; Schone & Ludwig, 1993; Tignol, 1993; Preskorn, 1995). There are, however, several distinguishing pharmacokinetic differences between SSRIs, including elimination half-life (the time it takes for the plasma level of the drug to decrease 50 percent from steady-state), propensity for drug-drug interactions (e.g., via inhibition of hepatic enzymes), and antidepressant activity of metabolite(s) (DeVane, 1992). In general, SSRIs are more likely to be metabolized more slowly by African Americans and Asians, resulting in higher blood levels (Lin et al., 1997).

The SSRIs as a class of drugs have their own class-specific side effects, including nausea, diarrhea, headache, tremor, daytime sedation, failure to achieve orgasm, nervousness, and insomnia. Attrition from acute phase therapy because of side effects is typically 10 to 20 percent (Preskorn & Burke, 1992). The incidence of treatment-related suicidal thoughts for the SSRIs is low and comparable to the rate observed for other antidepressants (Beasley et al., 1991; Fava & Rosenbaum, 1991), despite reports to the contrary (Breggin & Breggin, 1994).

Some concern persists that the SSRIs are less effective than the TCAs for treatment of severe depressions, including melancholic and psychotic subtypes (Potter et al., 1991; Nelson, 1994). Yet there is no definitive answer (Danish University Anti-depressant Group, 1986, 1990; Pande & Sayler, 1993; Roose et al., 1994; Stuppaeck et al., 1994).

Side effects and potential lethality in overdose are the major drawbacks of the TCAs. An overdose of as little as 7-day supply of a TCA can result in potentially fatal cardiac arrhythmias (Kapur et al., 1992). TCA treatment is typically initiated at lower dosages and titrated upward with careful attention to response and side effects. Doses for African Americans and Asians should be monitored more closely, because their slower metabolism of TCAs can lead to higher blood concentrations (Lin et al., 1997). Similarly, studies also suggest that there may be gender differences in drug metabolism and that plasma levels may change over the course of the menstrual cycle (Blumenthal, 1994b).

In addition to the four major classes of antidepressants are bupropion, which is discussed below, and three newer FDA-approved antidepressants that have mixed or compound synaptic effects. Venlafaxine, the first of these newer antidepressants, inhibits reuptake of both serotonin and, at higher doses, norepinephrine. In contrast to the TCAs, venlafaxine has somewhat milder side effects (Bolden-Watson & Richelson, 1993), which are like those of the SSRIs. Venlafaxine also has a low risk of cardiotoxicity and, although experience is limited, it appears to be less toxic than the others in overdose. Venlafaxine has shown promise in treatment of severe (Guelfi et al., 1995) or refractory (Nierenberg et al., 1994) depressive states and is superior to fluoxetine in one inpatient study (Clerc et al., 1994). Venlafaxine also occasionally causes increased blood pressure, and this can be a particular concern at higher doses (Thase, 1998).

Nefazodone, the second newer antidepressant, is unique in terms of both structure and neurochemical effects (Taylor et al., 1995). In contrast to the SSRIs, nefazodone improves sleep efficiency (Armitage et al., 1994). Its side effect profile is comparable to the other newer antidepressants, but it has the advantage of a lower rate of sexual side effects (Preskorn, 1995). The more recently FDA-approved antidepressant, mirtazapine, blocks two types of serotonin receptors, the 5-HT2 and 5-HT3 receptors (Feighner, 1999). Mirtazapine is also a potent antihistamine and tends to be more sedating than most other newer antidepressants. Weight gain can be another troublesome side effect.

Figure 4-2 presents summary findings on newer pharmacotherapies from a recent review of the treatment of depression by the Agency for Health Care Policy and Research (AHCPR, 1999). There have been few studies of gender differences in clinical response to treatments for depression. A recent report (Kornstein et al., in press) found women with chronic depression to respond better to a SSRI than a tricyclic, yet the opposite for men. This effect was primarily in premenopausal women. The AHCPR report (1999) also noted that there were almost no data to address the efficacy of pharmacotherapies in post partum or pregnant women.

Alternate Pharmacotherapies
Regardless of the initial choice of pharmacotherapy, about 30 to 50 percent of patients do not respond to the initial medication. It has not been established firmly whether patients who respond poorly to one class of antidepressants should be switched automatically to an alternate class (Thase & Rush, 1997). Several studies have examined the efficacy of the TCAs and SSRIs when used in sequence (Peselow et al., 1989; Beasley et al., 1990). Approximately 30 to 50 percent of those not responsive to one class will respond to the other (Thase & Rush, 1997).

Among other types of antidepressants, the MAOIs and bupropion are important alternatives for SSRI and TCA nonresponders (Thase & Rush, 1995). These agents also may be relatively more effective than TCAs or SSRIs for treatment of depressions characterized by atypical or reversed vegetative symptoms (Goodnick & Extein, 1989; Quitkin et al., 1993b; Thase et al., 1995). Bupropion and the MAOIs also are good choices to treat bipolar depression (Himmelhoch et al., 1991; Thase et al., 1992; Sachs et al., 1994). Bupropion also has the advantage of a low rate of sexual side effects (Gardner & Johnston, 1985; Walker et al., 1993).

Bupropion’s efficacy and overall side effect profile might justify its first-line use for all types of depression (e.g., Kiev et al., 1994). Furthermore, bupropion has a novel neurochemical profile in terms of effects on dopamine and norepinephrine (Ascher et al., 1995). However, worries about an increased risk of seizures delayed bupropion’s introduction to the U.S. market by more than 5 years (Davidson, 1989). Although clearly effective for a broad range of depressions, use of the MAOIs has been limited for decades by concerns that when taken with certain foods containing the chemical tyramine (for example, some aged cheeses and red wines); these medications may cause a potentially lethal hypertensive reaction (Thase et al., 1995). There has been continued interest in development of safer, selective and reversible MAOIs.

Hypericum (St. John's Wort). The widespread publicity and use of the botanical product from the yellow-flowering Hypericum perforatum plant with or without medical supervision is well ahead of the science database supporting the effectiveness of this putative antidepressant. Controlled trials, mainly in Germany, have been positive in mild-to-moderate depression, with only mild gastrointestinal side effects reported (Linde et al., 1996). However, most of those studies were methodologically flawed, in areas including diagnosis (more similar to adjustment disorder with depressed mood than major depression), length of trial (often an inadequate 4 weeks), and either lack of placebo control or unusually low or high placebo response rates (Salzman, 1998).

Post-marketing surveillance in Germany, which found few adverse effects of Hypericum, depended upon spontaneous reporting of side effects by patients, an approach that would not be considered acceptable in this country (Deltito & Beyer, 1998). In clinical use, the most commonly encountered adverse effect noted appears to be sensitivity to sunlight.

Figure 4-2. Treatment of depression-newer pharmacotherapies: Summary findings
Newer antidepressant drugs* are effective treatments for major depression and dysthymia.


They are efficacious in primary care and specialty mental health care settings:


–Major depression:
50 percent response to active agent
32 percent response to placebo


–Dysthymia (fluoxetine, sertraline, and amisulpride):
59 percent response to active agent
37 percent response to placebo


Both older and newer antidepressants demonstrate similar efficacy.


Drop-out rates due to all causes combined are similar for newer and older agents:


Drop-out rates due to adverse effects are slightly higher for older agents.


Newer agents are often easier to use because of single daily dosing and less titration.


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
*SSRIs and all other antidepressants marketed subsequently. Source: AHCPR, 1999.


Basic questions about mechanism of action and even the optimal formulation of a pharmaceutical product from the plant remain; dosage in the randomized German trials varied by sixfold (Linde et al., 1996). Several pharmacologically active components of St. John's wort, including hypericin, have been identified (Nathan, 1999); although their long half-lives in theory should permit once daily dosing, in practice a schedule of 300 mg three times a day is most commonly used. While initial speculation about significant MAO-inhibiting properties of hypericum have been largely discounted, possible serotonergic mechanisms suggest that combining this agent with an SSRI or other serotonergic antidepressant should be approached with caution. However, data regarding safety of hypericum in preclinical models or clinical samples are few (Nathan, 1999). At least two placebo-controlled trials in the United States are under way to compare the efficacy of Hypericum with that of an SSRI.

Augmentation Strategies
The transition from one antidepressant to another is time consuming, and patients sometimes feel worse in the process (Thase & Rush, 1997). Many clinicians bypass these problems by using a second medication to augment an ineffective antidepressant. The best studied strategies of this type are lithium augmentation, thyroid augmentation, and TCA-SSRI combinations (Nierenberg & White, 1990; Thase & Rush, 1997; Crismon et al., 1999).

Increasingly, clinicians are adding a noradrenergic TCA to an ineffective SSRI or vice versa. In an earlier era, such polypharmacy (the prescription of multiple drugs at the same time) was frowned upon. Thus far, the evidence supporting TCA-SSRI combinations is not conclusive (Thase & Rush, 1995). Caution is needed when using these agents in combination because SSRIs inhibit metabolism of several TCAs, resulting in a substantial increase in blood levels and toxicity or other adverse side effects from TCAs (Preskorn & Burke, 1992).

Psychotherapy and Counseling
Many people prefer psychotherapy or counseling over medication for treatment of depression (Roper, 1986; Seligman, 1995). Research conducted in the past two decades has helped to establish at least several newer forms of time-limited psychotherapy as being as effective as antidepressant pharmacotherapy in mild-to-moderate depressions (DiMascio et al., 1979; Elkin et al., 1989; Hollon et al., 1992; Depression Guideline Panel, 1993; Thase, 1995; Persons et al., 1996). The newer depression-specific therapies include cognitive-behavioral therapy (Beck et al., 1979) and interpersonal psychotherapy (Klerman et al., 1984). These approaches use a time-limited approach, a present tense (“here-and-now”) focus, and emphasize patient education and active collaboration. Interpersonal psychotherapy centers around four common problem areas: role disputes, role transitions, unresolved grief, and social deficits. Cognitive-behavioral therapy takes a more structured approach by emphasizing the interactive nature of thoughts, emotions, and behavior. It also helps the depressed patient to learn how to improve coping and lessen symptom distress.

There is no evidence that cognitive-behavioral therapy and interpersonal psychotherapy are differentially effective (Elkin et al., 1989; Thase, 1995). As reported earlier, both therapies appear to have some relapse prevention effects, although they are much less studied than the pharmacotherapies. Other more traditional forms of counseling and psychotherapy have not been extensively studied using a randomized clinical trial design (Depression Guideline Panel, 1993). It is important to determine if these more traditional treatments, as commonly practiced, are as effective as interpersonal psychotherapy or cognitive-behavioral therapy.

The brevity of this section reflects the succinctness of the findings on the effectiveness of these interventions as well as the lack of differential responses and“side effects.” It does not reflect a preference or superiority of medication except in conditions such as psychotic depression where psychotherapies are not effective.

Bipolar Depression
Treatment of bipolar depression12 has received surprisingly little study (Zornberg & Pope, 1993). Most psychiatrists prescribe the same antidepressants for treatment of bipolar depression as for major depressive disorder, although evidence is lacking to support this practice. It also is not certain that the same strategies should be used for treatment of depression in bipolar II (i.e., major depression plus a history of hypomania) and bipolar I (i.e., major depression with a history of at least one prior manic episode) (DSM-IV).

Pharmacotherapy of bipolar depression typically begins with lithium or an alternate mood stabilizer (DSM-IV; Frances et al., 1996). Mood stabilizers reduce the risk of cycling and have modest antidepressant effects; response rates of 30 to 50 percent are typical (DSM-IV; Zornberg & Pope, 1993). For bipolar depressions refractory to mood stabilizers, an antidepressant is typically added. Bipolar depression may be more responsive to nonsedating antidepressants, including the MAOIs, SSRIs, and bupropion (Cohn et al., 1989; Haykal & Akiskal, 1990; Himmelhoch et al., 1991; Peet, 1994; Sachs et al., 1994). The optimal length of continuation phase pharmacotherapy of bipolar depression has not been established empirically (DSM-IV). During the continuation phase, the risk of depressive relapse must be counterbalanced against the risk of inducing mania or rapid cycling (Kukopulos et al., 1980; Wehr & Goodwin, 1987; Solomon et al., 1995). Although not all studies are in agreement, antidepressants may increase mood cycling in a vulnerable subgroup, such as women with bipolar II disorder (Coryell et al., 1992; Bauer et al., 1994). Lithium is associated with increased risk of congenital anomalies when taken during the first trimester of pregnancy, and the anticonvulsants are contraindicated (see Cohen et al., 1994, for a review). This is problematic in view of the high risk of recurrence in pregnant bipolar women (Viguera & Cohen 1998).

Pharmacotherapy, Psychosocial Therapy, and Multimodal Therapy
The relative efficacy of pharmacotherapy and the newer forms of psychosocial treatment, such as interpersonal psychotherapy and the cognitive-behavioral therapies, is a controversial topic (Meterissian & Bradwejn, 1989; Klein & Ross, 1993; Munoz et al., 1994; Persons et al., 1996). For major depressive episodes of mild to moderate severity, meta-analyses of randomized clinical trials document the relative equivalence of these treatments (Dobson, 1989; Depression Guideline Panel, 1993). Yet for patients with bipolar and psychotic depression, who were excluded from these studies, pharmacotherapy is required: there is no evidence that these types of depressive episodes can be effectively treated with psychotherapy alone (Depression Guideline Panel, 1993; Thase, 1995). Current standards of practice suggest that therapists who withhold somatic treatments (i.e., pharmacotherapy or ECT) from such patients risk malpractice (DSM-IV; Klerman, 1990; American Psychiatric Association, 1993; Depression Guideline Panel, 1993).

For patients hospitalized with depression, somatic therapies also are considered the standard of care (American Psychiatric Association, 1993). Again, there is little evidence for the efficacy of psychosocial treatments alone when used instead of pharmacotherapy, although several studies suggest that carefully selected inpatients may respond to intensive cognitive-behavioral therapy (DeJong et al., 1986; Thase et al., 1991). However, in an era in which inpatient stays are measured in days, rather than in weeks, this option is seldom feasible. Combined therapies emphasizing both pharmacologic and intensive psychosocial treatments hold greater promise to improve the outcome of hospitalized patients, particularly if inpatient care is followed by ambulatory treatment (Miller et al., 1990; Scott, 1992).

Combined therapies—also called multimodal treatments—are especially valuable for outpatients with severe forms of depression. According to a recent meta-analysis of six studies, combined therapy (cognitive or interpersonal psychotherapy plus pharmacotherapy) was significantly more effective than psychotherapy alone for more severe recurrent depression. In milder depressions, psychotherapy alone was nearly as effective as combined therapy (Thase et al., 1997b). This meta-analysis was unable to compare combined therapy with pharmacotherapy alone or placebo due to an insufficient number of patients.

In summary, the DSM-IV definition of major depressive disorder spans a heterogenous group of conditions that benefit from psychosocial and/or pharmacological therapies. People with mild to moderate depression respond to psychotherapy or pharmacotherapy alone. People with severe depression require pharmacotherapy or ECT and they may also benefit from the addition of psychosocial therapy.

Preventing Relapse of Major Depressive Episodes

Recurrent Depression. Maintenance pharmacotherapy is the best-studied means to reduce the risk of recurrent depression (Prien & Kocsis, 1995; Thase & Sullivan, 1995). The magnitude of effectiveness in prevention of recurrent depressive episodes depends on the dose of the active agent used, the inherent risk of the population (i.e., chronicity, age, and number of prior episodes), the length of time being considered, and the patient’s adherence to the treatment regimen (Thase, 1993). Early studies, which tended to use lower dosages of medications, generally documented a twofold advantage relative to placebo (e.g., 60 vs. 30 percent) (Prien & Kocsis, 1995). In a more recent study of recurrent unipolar depression, the drug-placebo difference was nearly fivefold (Frank et al., 1990; Kupfer et al., 1992). This trial, in contrast to earlier randomized clinical trials, used a much higher dosage of imipramine, suggesting that full-dose maintenance pharmacotherapy may improve prophylaxis. Indeed, this was subsequently confirmed in a randomized clinical trial comparing full- and half-dose maintenance strategies (Frank et al., 1993).

There are few published studies on the prophylactic benefits of long-term pharmacotherapy with SSRIs, bupropion, nefazodone, or venlafaxine. However, available studies uniformly document 1-year efficacy rates of 80 to 90 percent in preventing recurrence of depression (Montgomery et al., 1988; Doogan & Caillard, 1992; Claghorn & Feighner, 1993; Duboff, 1993; Shrivastava et al., 1994; Franchini et al., 1997; Stewart et al., 1998). Thus, maintenance therapy with the newer agents is likely to yield outcomes comparable to the TCAs (Thase & Sullivan, 1995).

How does maintenance pharmacotherapy compare with psychotherapy? In one study of recurrent depression, monthly sessions of maintenance interpersonal psychotherapy had a 3-year success rate of about 35 percent (i.e., a rate falling between those for active and placebo pharmacotherapy) (Frank et al., 1990). Subsequent studies found maintenance interpersonal psychotherapy to be either a powerful or ineffective prophylactic therapy, depending on the patient/treatment match (Kupfer et al., 1990; Frank et al., 1991a; Spanier et al., 1996).

Bipolar Depression. No recent randomized clinical trials have examined prophylaxis against recurrent depression in bipolar disorder. In one older, well-controlled study, recurrence rates of more than 60 percent were observed despite maintenance treatment with lithium, either alone or in combination with imipramine (Shapiro et al., 1989).

Treatment of Mania
Acute Phase Efficacy
Success rates of 80 to 90 percent were once expected with lithium for the acute phase treatment of mania (e.g., Schou, 1989); however, lithium response rates of only 40 to 50 percent are now commonplace (Frances et al., 1996). Most recent studies thus underscore the limitations of lithium in mania (e.g., Gelenberg et al., 1989; Small et al., 1991; Freeman et al., 1992; Bowden et al., 1994). The apparent decline in lithium responsiveness may be partly due to sampling bias (i.e., university hospitals treat more refractory patients), but could also be attributable to factors such as younger age of onset, increased drug abuse comorbidity, or shorter therapeutic trials necessitated by briefer hospital stay (Solomon et al., 1995). The effectiveness of acute phase lithium treatment also is partially dependent on the clinical characteristics of the manic episode: dysphoric/mixed, psychotic, and rapid cycling episodes are less responsive to lithium alone (DSM-IV; Solomon et al., 1995).

A number of other medications initially developed for other indications are increasingly used for lithium-refractory or lithium-intolerant mania. The efficacy of two medications, the anticonvulsants carbamazepine and divalproex sodium, has been documented in randomized clinical trials (e.g., Small et al., 1991; Freeman et al., 1992; Bowden et al., 1994; Keller et al., 1992). Divalproex sodium has received FDA approval for the treatment of mania. The specific mechanisms of action for these agents have not been established, although they may stabilize neuronal membrane systems, including the cyclic adenosine monophosphate second messenger system (Post, 1990). The anticonvulsant medications under investigation for their effectiveness in mania include lamotrigine and gabapentin.

Another newer treatment, verapamil, is a calcium channel blocker initially approved by the FDA for treatment of cardiac arrhythmias and hypertension. Since the mid-1980s, clinical reports and evidence from small randomized clinical trials suggest that the calcium channel blockers may have antimanic effects (Dubovsky et al., 1986; Garza-Trevino et al., 1992; Janicak et al., 1992, 1998). Like lithium and the anticonvulsants, the mechanism of action of verapamil has not been established. There is evidence of abnormalities of intracellular calcium levels in bipolar disorder (Dubovsky et al., 1992), and calcium’s role in modulating second messenger systems (Wachtel, 1990) has spurred continued interest in this class of medication. If effective, verapamil does have the additional advantage of having a lower potential for causing birth defects than does lithium, divalproex, or carbamazepine.

Adjunctive neuroleptics and high-potency benzodiazepines are used often in combination with mood stabilizers to treat mania. The very real risk of tardive dyskinesia has led to a shift in favor of adjunctive use of benzodiazepines instead of neuroleptics for acute stabilization of mania (Chouinard, 1988; Lenox et al., 1992). The novel antipsychotic clozapine has shown promise in otherwise refractory manic states (Suppes et al., 1992), although such treatment requires careful monitoring to help protect against development of agranulocytosis, a potentially lethal bone marrow toxicity. Other newer antipsychotic medications, including risperidone and olanzapine, have safer side effect profiles than clozapine and are now being studied in mania. For manic patients who are not responsive to or tolerant of pharmacotherapy, ECT is a viable alternative (Black et al., 1987; Mukherjee et al., 1994). Further discussion of antipsychotic drugs and their side effects is found in the section on schizophrenia.

Maintenance Treatment to Prevent Recurrences of Mania
The efficacy of lithium for prevention of mania also appears to be significantly lower now than in previous decades; recurrence rates of 40 to 60 percent are now typical despite ongoing lithium therapy (Prien et al., 1984; Gelenberg et al., 1989; Winokur et al., 1993). Still, more than 20 studies document the effectiveness of lithium in preventing suicide (Goodwin & Jamison, 1990). Medication noncompliance almost certainly plays a role in the failure of longer term lithium maintenance therapy (Aagaard et al., 1988). Indeed, abrupt discontinuation of lithium has been shown to accelerate the risk of relapse (Suppes et al., 1993). Medication“holidays” may similarly induce a lithium-refractory state (Post, 1992), although data are conflicting (Coryell et al., 1998). As noted earlier, antidepressant cotherapy also may accelerate cycle frequency or induce lithium-resistant rapid cycling (Kukopulos et al., 1980; Wehr & Goodwin, 1987).

With increasing recognition of the limitations of lithium prophylaxis, the anticonvulsants are used increasingly for maintenance therapy of bipolar disorder. Several randomized clinical trials have demonstrated the prophylactic efficacy of carbamazepine (Placidi et al., 1986; Lerer et al., 1987; Coxhead et al., 1992), whereas the value of divalproex preventive therapy is only supported by uncontrolled studies (Calabrese & Delucchi, 1990; McElroy et al., 1992; Post, 1990). Because of increased teratogenic risk associated with these agents, there is a need to obtain and evaluate information on alternative interventions for women with bipolar disorder of childbearing age.

Service Delivery for Mood Disorders
The mood disorders are associated with significant suffering and high social costs, as explained above (Broadhead et al., 1990; Greenberg et al., 1993; Wells et al., 1989; Wells et al., 1996). Many treatments are efficacious, yet in the case of depression, significant numbers of individuals either receive no care or inappropriate care (Katon et al., 1992; Narrow et al., 1993; Wells et al., 1994; Thase, 1996). Limitations in insurance benefits or in the management strategies employed in managed care arrangements may make it impossible to deliver recommended treatments. In addition, treatment outcome in real-world practice is not as effective as that demonstrated in clinical trials, a problem known as the gap between efficacy and effectiveness (see Chapter 2). The gap is greatest in the primary care setting, although it also is observed in specialty mental health practice. There is a need to develop case identification approaches for women in obstetrics/gynecology settings due to the high risk of recurrence in childbearing women with bipolar disorder. Little attention also has been paid to screening and mental health services for women in obstetrics/gynecology settings despite their high risk of depression (Miranda et al., 1998).

Primary care practice has been studied extensively, revealing low rates of both recognition and appropriate treatment of depression. Approximately one-third to one-half of patients with major depression go unrecognized in primary care settings (Gerber et al., 1989; Simon & Von Korff, 1995). Poor recognition leads to unnecessary and expensive diagnostic procedures, particularly in response to patients’ vague somatic complaints (Callahan et al., 1996). Fewer than one-half receive antidepressant medication according to Agency for Health Care Policy Research recommendations for dosage and duration (Simon et al., 1993; Rost et al., 1994; Katon 1995, 1996; Schulberg et al., 1995; Simon & Von Korff, 1995). About 40 percent discontinue their medication on their own during the first 4 to 6 weeks of treatment, and fewer still continue their medication for the recommended period of 6 months (Simon et al., 1993). Although drug treatment is the most common strategy for treating depression in primary care practice (Olfson & Klerman, 1992; Williams et al., 1999), about one-half of primary care physicians express a preference to include counseling or therapy as a component of treatment (Meredith et al., 1994, 1996). Few primary care practitioners, however, have formal training in psychotherapy, nor do they have the time (Meredith et al., 1994, 1996). A variety of strategies have been developed to improve the management of depression in primary care settings (cited in Katon et al., 1997). These are discussed in more detail in Chapter 5 because of the special problem of recognizing and treating depression among older adults.

Another major service delivery issue focuses on the substantial number of individuals with mood disorders who go on to develop a chronic and disabling course. Their needs for a wide array of services are similar to those of individuals with schizophrenia. Many of the service delivery issues relevant to individuals with severe and persistent mood disorders are presented in the final sections of this chapter.



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10 Nonadherence is defined as lack of adherence to prescribed activities such as keeping appointments, taking medication, and completing assignments.

11 Technically, FDA approves drugs for a selected indication (a disorder in a certain population). However, once the drug is marketed, doctors are at liberty to prescribe it for unapproved (off-label) indications.

12 Bipolar depression refers to episodes with symptoms of depression in patients diagnosed with bipolar disorder.

April 10, 2010

Developing A Recovery And Wellness Lifestyle, A Self-Help Guide: Sleep

Developing A Recovery And Wellness Lifestyle
A Self-Help Guide
Sleep
You will feel better if you sleep well. Your body needs time every day to rest and heal. If you often have trouble sleeping–either falling asleep, or waking during the night and being unable to get back to sleep–one or several of the following ideas might be helpful to you —

Go to bed at the same time every night and get up at the same time every morning. Avoid "sleeping in" (sleeping much later than your usual time for getting up). It will make you feel worse.

Establish a bedtime "ritual" by doing the same things every night for an hour or two before bedtime so your body knows when it is time to go to sleep.

Avoid caffeine, nicotine, and alcohol.

Eat on a regular schedule and avoid a heavy meal prior to going to bed. Don't skip any meals.

Eat plenty of dairy foods and dark green leafy vegetables.

Exercise daily, but avoid strenuous or invigorating activity before going to bed.

Play soothing music on a tape or CD that shuts off automatically after you are in bed.

Try a turkey sandwich and a glass of milk before bedtime to make you feel drowsy.

Try having a small snack before you go to bed, something like a piece of fruit and a piece of cheese or some cottage cheese so you don't wake up hungry in the middle of the night. Have a similar small snack if you awaken in the middle of the night.

Take a warm bath or shower before going to bed.

Place a drop of lavender oil on your pillow.

Drink a cup of herbal chamomile tea or take several chamomile capsules before going to bed.
You need to see your doctor if —

you often have difficulty sleeping and the solutions listed above are not working for you.

you awaken during the night gasping for breath

your partner reports that your breathing is interrupted when you are sleeping

you snore loudly

you wake up feeling like you haven't been asleep

you fall asleep often during the day
Do you have a hard time getting to sleep or staying asleep?

If so, what are you going to do to help yourself get a good night's sleep?

March 22, 2010

Health Service Disparities: Access, Quality, and Diversity

Online CEUs

Health Service Disparities: Access, Quality, and Diversity
CHAIR: Spero M. Manson, Ph.D., University of Colorado.

ACCESS, BARRIERS, and QUALITY
Pathways into, through, and out of service systems are issues of critical importance when addressing access to care, adequacy or appropriateness of care, as well as quality. This panel addressed these issues examining the impact of race, ethnicity, and cultural attitudes.

David T. Takeuchi, Ph.D.,
Indiana University

Dr. Takeuchi discussed the importance of race as a separate and independent factor in children's mental health status, as well as access to and quality of care. Over the past two decades, it has been common to advocate for a more universal approach to resolving the disparities found among racial groups. Despite one's position regarding whether race has or has not declined in significance in American society, an advocacy for policies that attempt to reduce socio-economic status (SES) differentials is seen as a more effective public policy strategy to gain acceptance among all racial groups and, equally important, policy makers.

While this approach is popular and well meaning, it tends to ignore an evolving body of research that finds race to have a strong effect on mental health variables, independent of SES. For example, a recent study assessing health outcomes for 50 states found a strong association between racial composition and health. The greater the minority composition, the poorer the child health profiles. When race was included in analytical models, income and equality did not have a significant association with child health outcomes. Another significant variable linked to improved child health outcomes was the willingness of states to fund social welfare programs. These analyses suggest that simply focusing on income inequality will not resolve racism and its consequences. Racism is a continuous problem and creates a social environment characterized by alienation, frustration, powerlessness, stress and demoralization, all of which can have pernicious consequences on mental health. There are programs that are trying to make health systems more equitable through education, and attempting to reduce stereotypes and prejudice by providing information about different racial groups. Research indicates, however, that individuals who have preexisting racist beliefs may actually have these beliefs reinforced through such educational programs.

In order to address ethnic and racial inequities in children's mental healthcare, racism must be viewed in a broader context, focusing on institutional racism and the racial hierarchy of society and its systems, including healthcare. It is unclear how to do this, but two examples to consider would be Native Americans' building casinos to address economic inequity; and Native Hawaiians' current effort to achieve sovereignty. These are two natural situations in which it can be seen how health outcomes will be influenced.

Margarita Alegría, Ph.D.,
University of Puerto Rico

Dr. Alegría discussed challenges in advancing equity in mental healthcare for children of color. She presented three arguments for increased focus on racial and ethnic differences. First, race, ethnicity and culture of children play a major role in shaping the care provided to them by health institutions. Racial, ethnic and cultural differences influence the expression and identification of the need for services. Studies have shown ethnic and racial differences in youths' self-reports of problem behaviors, caregivers' value judgments of what is normative behavior, and caregiver expectations of the child. Ethnic and racial bias in who gets identified, referred and treated within certain institutions has also been documented. For example, African American youth are more frequently referred for conduct problems to corrections rather than psychiatric hospitals, even with lower or equal measures of aggressive behavior. Quality of care is also impacted. For example, ADHD is less often treated by medications in minority groups than in white populations. There is also increased probability of misdiagnoses among minority individuals, affecting subsequent care.

Second, there are challenges in identifying the mechanisms by which ethnicity, race, and culture account for disparities in behavioral and emotional problems and service delivery. Understanding these mechanisms has important implications for how to intervene correctly. Factors that mediate such challenges may be related to lack of early detection by providers and parents; untrained and culturally insensitive providers; and lack of parent and provider knowledge of efficacious treatments. For example, Latino youths have the highest rate of suicide, yet they are less likely to be identified by their caregivers as having problems. Disparities in services may be due to different barriers such as insurance status and settings where mental healthcare is delivered. Minority children tend to receive mental health services through the juvenile justice and welfare systems more often than through schools or special settings.

Third, efforts to address racial and ethnic disparities in mental health and service delivery are constrained by profound socio-environmental, institutional, and market forces. For example, managed care, by targeting medical necessity, may be constrained in obtaining the complexity of funding streams that are necessary to service minority children in the schools, juvenile justice settings or welfare agencies. Expansion of Medicaid eligibility for near poor families may not prove sufficient to increase mental health service usage, if it is not tied to increased provider availability and provider payment incentives to treat minority populations within depressed inner-city communities. Thus, a critical analysis of how residential, institutional, and market policies may create disparities is needed, and more importantly, how these policies are implemented in ways that result in disparities. There is a need to address these disparities by moving beyond the healthcare sector, examining neighborhoods where minority children live (areas of economic disadvantage, concentration of violence in certain areas), addressing the institutions with which minority children interact (i.e., the referral bias in the various systems), and addressing the role of managed care and the lack of culturally competent providers in the various systems.

Suggestions to address these disparities include: (1) Ensure that efforts focus not only on equalizing access to treatment, but also on equalizing outcomes of care; (2) Aggressively monitor institutional progress towards an equitable and compassionate system of mental healthcare for children of color; and (3) Move beyond policy interventions in the healthcare system to more socio-educational approaches, where government agencies are not agents of control but agents of support.

Kenneth B. Wells, M.D., M.P.H.,
UCLA/RAND

Dr. Wells presented new preliminary data from three national surveys on access to specialty mental healthcare. The findings demonstrated high levels of unmet need for specialty care for children and adolescents and substantial ethnic disparities in access to such care. Detailed findings will be presented in a forthcoming article. Dr. Wells also drew attention to key issues in formulating public policy to address unmet need for child services. One set of issues relates to children in the public sector, where differences within and across states in implementation of policies to cover uninsured children result in children with varying degrees of vulnerability to unmet need for mental healthcare. Policies that guarantee coverage for uninsured children across diverse populations and geographic areas are needed to address this problem. Another set of issues applies to the private sector, where there has been much debate about the feasibility of implementing parity for mental health and physical health services for both children and adults; yet prior studies suggest that children have more to gain from parity, as they tend to be high utilizers if they use services and more quickly reach plan limits on coverage (Sturm, 1997). Thus achieving parity of coverage in the private sector may be especially important for addressing the unmet need for child mental health services. Yet, Dr. Wells indicated that the meaning of parity is changing under managed care, as the defined benefit does not necessarily directly correspond to the level of care provided under management policies (Burnam and Escarce,1999). Finally, Dr. Wells provided an example of the promise of quality improvement for mental disorders for adults, Partners in Care; in that study, depressed primary care patients from clinics using quality improvement programs had better one-year clinical outcomes and retention in employment than similar patients in clinics without quality improvement programs (Wells, et. al., 2000). These kinds of studies should be developed for children and adolescents with major mental disorders, as we develop practice-based solutions across public and private sectors to address unmet mental healthcare needs of diverse child and adolescent populations.

Suggestions for future research include: (1) Develop access and mental health quality of care indicators for children and adolescents; (2) Profile unmet need for under- and uninsured subgroups in particular areas, in light of disparity in coverage and implementation across federal and state programs; and (3) Monitor access and quality of care for children and adolescents nationally. Suggestions for policy changes include: (1) For the uninsured, replace existing programs or fill the diverse gaps in federal and state policies; (2) For the privately insured, start with parity of mental health coverage with medical conditions, and enforce tougher mandates for implementation. In addition, the management and quality under parity needs to be evaluated; and (3) For the publicly insured, implement quality improvement, and reduce delays and the financial barriers to mental healthcare.

REACHING OUT TO AND ENGAGING FAMILIES
This panel discussed the challenges affecting access to and coordination of mental healthcare for children and families, including the lack of availability of non-traditional services. One critical question addressed how to better engage families in evidence-based services and treatments.

Barbara J. Friesen, Ph.D.,
Portland State University

Dr. Friesen argued that effective mental health services require cultural competence, full family participation and appropriate services and supports. Family support and participation can provide benefits, including reduced need for inpatient treatment, shorter length of inpatient stay, better service coordination, increased likelihood that a child will return home following out-of-home placement, and increased caregiver satisfaction. When families were involved in the child welfare system, they were more likely to follow through with treatment and the caseworkers were more likely to provide appropriate care.

There are several significant barriers to family participation and effective treatment for children's psychiatric disorders. First, stigma attached to mental disorders results in families feeling at fault for their child's mental illness. Low-income families are most likely to receive disrespect from healthcare providers. Second, family and service providers lack information. Third, gaps in services are a major problem. Even when a family is armed with information about exactly what they are looking for, very often they cannot find it. Other practical, tangible barriers include cost; many families have gone bankrupt trying to care for their children. The most damaging policy is one in which parents need to give up custody in order to get services for their children. Distance can also be a barrier to care. Sometimes families must travel long distances to receive appropriate care for their child.

Suggestions for engaging families include: (1) Develop anti-stigma campaigns to educate the public and healthcare providers; (2) Train services providers in effective, family-centered treatment approaches; (3) Support family members and family organizations who can improve access to services through a variety of outreach and support roles; and (4) Evaluate these practices.

C. Veree’ Jenkins,
Family Involvement Coordinator, Family HOPE, West Palm Beach, Florida

Ms. Jenkins described her family's experience overcoming the ravages of the mental illness of her son, Joel. She called it the story of "J.O.E.L.: Joy Overcoming Everything Logical." She emphasized the importance of faith in dealing with a child's mental illness. Joel had a journey through mental illness, substance abuse, the juvenile justice system and early fatherhood. All along the way, no one ever asked the family their faith and what they believed in, said Ms. Jenkins. In a substance abuse treatment program, Joel had his bible taken from him, told it was a crutch preventing him from overcoming his substance abuse problems. But, Ms. Jenkins said, you need faith in God to make it through these systems; you put faith in the hands of the therapist managing your care and sometimes are let down. Finally, Joel went to the church where he found ‘wrap-around faith’ where they provided mentoring, counseling services 24 hours a day, seven days a week, helped him get a job, and get rid of his guns and provided other assistance. Ms. Jenkins encouraged consideration of faith-based organizations, which can provide safe havens, camps, music, art, and all sorts of activities that can be very helpful to a family in need. Joel is now drug, alcohol and cigarette free. He is a law-abiding citizen, married, a good parent, employed and owns his home. A recent graduate of the McCollough Seminary, he is Assistant Youth Pastor of his church. As a family, Joel, Ms. Jenkins and her husband work together to share their faith and hope with others.

Lynn Pedraza, Ed.S.,
Family Member

Ms. Pedraza described how her family, which includes biological, foster and adoptive children, encountered many challenges trying to navigate the multiple systems often involved in the care and treatment of children with mental disorders. So much of the mental health world operates from a deficit perspective requiring families to prove their needs, rather than strengths, to get services. Workers have coerced parents and threatened to take children away when families try to fight for appropriate services. Suggestions to engage families include: (1) Put mental health at the forefront of health policy decisions and research efforts; (2) Research should focus on the human side of mental health, the connections to others, trust, pleasure, joy and respect. In other words, examine what caring looks like and what happens when this caring is incorporated into mental health services; and (3) Researchers need to become involved with families and their children long enough and deeply enough to really understand the multiple factors that affect children and their families. Researchers need to listen to families.

DISCUSSANTS
Brenda Souto,
National Alliance for the Mentally Ill

Ms. Souto described her experiences as a parent of a child with several disorders. She has been her son's case manager for 20 years and has had good experiences with psychiatrists and psychologists in Maryland, a parity-enforced state. Trying to find good services was another problem. She cited a report, Families on the Brink, that NAMI released a year ago, summarizing the stigmatization of families who often are blamed for no-fault brain disorders. She said the most unfortunate result of the lack of access to mental healthcare is when the family is forced to relinquish custody of their ill child to the state in order to get needed mental health services.

Carl Bell, M.D.,
Community Mental Health Council, Chicago

Dr. Bell described the insufficient infrastructure in the community health system. Back in 1980, President Jimmy Carter pushed for a plan to increase the infrastructure. But the plan never came into being because Carter lost the presidency. Dr. Bell encouraged conference participants to make sure they take action to ensure the agenda moves forward. He is particularly interested in African Americans. In order to fix the problems of African Americans within these various systems, African Americans must be involved in the conversations. The black community trusts the community centers but not the universities. Black people are concerned about who is testing their children and why. Partnerships between community-based organizations and the universities is one way to make technical expertise available to train community-based staff. Such efforts are underway at Dr. Bell's agency and the University of Illinois in Chicago, but they are costly. Few community agencies have the resources needed to train their staff in evidence-based interventions. Community-based organizations need to receive funding to assist them in training their staff and such support is necessary to help infuse evidence-based interventions into community-based services.

Michael M. Faenza, MSSW,
National Mental Health Association

Mr. Faenza noted that this session's presentations demonstrate children's mental health as a social justice issue. The disparities in access and treatment highlight the social injustice issues that come into play in children's services. He highlighted challenges in diagnosing mental disorders in children, and a need for more research in diagnosis and treatment. Because so much negative public attention is focused on overprescription of psychotropic medications and overdiagnosis in young children, particular sensitivity around such issues is needed to prevent the damage that such publicity could do. The prevalence of mental disorders and substance abuse disorders in the juvenile justice system suggests a starting point for change in operative services systems for children.

Phillipa Hambrick,
Family Member

Ms. Hambrick described her experiences as a grandmother and mother, providing family care to four grandchildren in need of mental health services for ADHD and major depression. She had difficulty getting services for these children, due to distance or because the children were put on a waiting list for services. The children eventually received services through the school system and through youth and family services. But such services must be expanded and made more comprehensive, she said. If she were to move, her children would lose the services because they would be in a different jurisdiction.
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