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Showing posts with label continuing education for social workers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label continuing education for social workers. Show all posts

January 03, 2012

School absenteeism, mental health problems linked


School absenteeism is a significant problem, and students who are frequently absent from school more often have symptoms of psychiatric disorders. A new longitudinal study of more than 17,000 youths has found that frequently missing school is associated with a higher prevalence of mental health problems later on in adolescence, and that mental health problems during one year also predict missing additional school days in the following year for students in middle and high school social worker continuing education

The study, published in the journal Child Development, was conducted by researchers at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), the University of Florida, Boston University, the Child and Adolescent Services Research Center, the Oregon Social Learning Center, and Johns Hopkins University.

"We've long known that students who are frequently absent from school are more likely to have symptoms of psychiatric disorders, but less clear is the reason why," says Jeffrey Wood, associate professor of educational psychology and psychiatry at UCLA, who led the study. "These two aspects of youths' adjustment may at times exacerbate one another, leading over the course of time to more of each."

The study found that between grades 2 and 8, students who already had mental health symptoms (such as antisocial behavior or depression) missed more school days over the course of a year than they had in the previous year and than students with few or no mental health symptoms. Conversely, middle and high school students who were chronically absent in an earlier year of the study tended to have more depression and antisocial problems in subsequent years. For example, 8th graders who were absent more than 20 days were more likely to have higher levels of anxiety and depression in 10th grade than were 8th graders who were absent fewer than 20 days.

"The findings can help inform the development of programs to reduce school absenteeism," according to Wood. "School personnel in middle schools and high schools could benefit from knowing that mental health issues and school absenteeism each influence the other over time. Helping students address mental health issues may in turn help prevent the emergence of chronic absenteeism. At the same time, working to help students who are developing a pattern of chronic absenteeism come to school more consistently may help prevent psychiatric problems."

The researchers looked at more than 17,000 children in 1st through 12th grades using three datasets: the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, a longitudinal study of a nationally representative sample of adolescents in grades 7 to 12; the Johns Hopkins Prevention Intervention Research Center Study, a longitudinal study of classroom-based interventions involving children in grades 1 to 8; and the Linking the Interests of Families and Teachers trial, a longitudinal study of children in grades 1 through 12.

Researchers interviewed students and parents annually or biennially, and they gathered information from school attendance records. In addition, students, parents, and teachers filled out questionnaires.


###


The study was funded by the National Institute of Mental Health and the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, with cooperative funding from 17 other agencies.

September 20, 2011

Survey Assesses Trends in Psychiatric Hospitalization Rates


Source: NIMH

Short-term inpatient psychiatric stays increased for youth but declined for older adults between 1996 and 2007, according to an analysis published online ahead of print August 1, 2011, in the Archives of General Psychiatry.

Background

Joseph C. Blader Ph.D., of Stony Brook University, evaluated data from 1996-2007 from the National Hospital Discharge Survey, an annual survey conducted by the National Center for Health Statistics. He aimed to determine the rates of short-term hospitalizations and length of stays among children, adolescents, adults, and older adults due to psychiatric diagnosis. This time period roughly corresponds to the decline in use of long-term inpatient services for psychiatric illnesses, decrease in number of psychiatric beds made available, and stricter criteria for insurance authorization of hospital admission. Social worker continuing education

Results of the Study

The data showed that hospitalization rates increased the most for children ages 5-12, going from 155 per 100,000 children in 1996 to 283 per 100,000 children in 2007. Among teens, the rate increased from 683 to 969 per 100,000. Among adults, the rate increased from 921 to 995 per 100,000. By contrast, the rate declined among the elderly, going from 977 to 807 per 100,000.

Hospital stays were consistently shorter among children and teens, especially those with private insurance. The proportion of inpatient days paid by private insurers declined among children (going from 36 percent to 21 percent), adolescents (going from 52 percent to 22 percent) and adults (going from 35 percent to 23 percent.)

Significance

The trends likely reflect an increase in clinical need rather than an overuse of hospital resources, especially when taking into account the decline in number of psychiatric beds available, according to Blader. Admission information and diagnostic trends over the same time period indicate that the impairments and problems of hospitalized patients appear to have grown more acute. He also notes that the trend corresponds with an increase in bipolar diagnosis, especially among youth. Blader suggests that as long-term care facilities decreased their capacity, short-term facilities may have had to compensate for the shortage. Surveys among state mental health officials during the same time period indicate they were worried about a shortage of beds for acute care as well.

What’s Next

More research is needed to determine how these trends are affecting quality of care and insurance issues and reimbursement.

Citation

Blader JC. Acute inpatient care for psychiatric disorders in the United States, 1996 through 2007. Archives of General Psychiatry. Online ahead of print Aug 1, 2011.

January 13, 2011

Most Children with Rapidly Shifting Moods Don’t Have Bipolar Disorder


Relatively few children with rapidly shifting moods and high energy have bipolar disorder, though such symptoms are commonly associated with the disorder. Instead, most of these children have other types of mental disorders, according to an NIMH-funded study published online ahead of print in the Journal of Clinical Psychiatry on October 5, 2010. Continuing Education for Social Workers
Background
Some parents who take their child to a mental health clinic for assessment report that the child has rapid swings between emotions (usually anger, elation, and sadness) coupled with extremely high energy levels. Some researchers suggest that this is how mania—an important component of bipolar disorder—appears in children. How mania and bipolar disorder are defined in children is important because rapid mood swings and high energy are common among youth.

Furthermore, many experts believe that overdiagnosis and misdiagnosis of bipolar disorder in youth may play a role in the increasing numbers of children being diagnosed with and treated for bipolar disorder. In choosing proper treatment, it is important to know whether children with rapid mood swings and high energy have an early or mild form of bipolar disorder, or instead have a different mental disorder.

In the Longitudinal Assessment of Manic Symptoms (LAMS) study, Robert Findling, M.D., of Case Western Reserve University, and colleagues assessed 707 children, ages 6-12, who were referred for mental health treatment. Of the participants, 621 were rated as having rapid swings between emotions and high energy levels, described as "elevated symptoms of mania" (ESM-positive). Parents of the other 86 children did not report rapid mood swings. These participants were deemed ESM-negative.

Results of the Study
At baseline, all but 14 participants had at least one mental disorder, and many had two or more. Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) was the most frequent diagnosis, affecting roughly 76 percent in both the ESM-positive and ESM-negative groups. However, only 39 percent were receiving treatment with a stimulant, the most common medication treatment for ADHD, at the start of the study.

Only 11 percent of those with rapid mood swings and high energy (69 out of 621) and 6 percent of those without these symptoms (5 out of 86) had bipolar disorder, meaning that only this small percentage had ever experienced a manic episode, as defined by the current diagnostic system. Of the children with rapid mood swings and high energy, another 12 percent (75 children) had a form of bipolar disorder that includes much shorter manic episodes.

Compared to children without rapid mood swings and high energy, those with these symptoms:

Reported more symptoms of depression, anxiety, manic symptoms, and symptoms of ADHD
Had lower functioning at home, school, or with peers
Were more likely to have a disruptive behavior disorder (oppositional defiant disorder and/or conduct disorder).
Significance
Given that 75 percent of ESM-positive youth did not meet the diagnostic criteria for any bipolar disorder, the researchers suggest that bipolar disorder may not be common among children who experience rapid swings between emotions and high energy levels. Nevertheless, children with these symptoms experience significant impairments due to mood and behavior problems.

The researchers also noted that ESM-positive and ESM-negative youth were prescribed psychotropic medications—including antipsychotics—at similar rates. Further study may provide insight into how serious mental illnesses should be treated in children.

What's Next
The study participants will be re-assessed every 6 months for up to 5 years, allowing the LAMS researchers to determine which children with rapid mood swings and high energy develop bipolar disorder later in life. Such research may inform efforts to identify early markers or predictors of the illness as well as possible protective factors.

Reference
Findling RL, Youngstrom EA, Fristad MA, Birmaher B, Kowatch RA, Arnold E, Frazier TW, Axelson D, Ryan N, Demeter CA, Gill MK, Fields B, Depew J, Kennedy SM, Marsh L, Rowles BM, Horwitz SM. Characteristics of Children With Elevated Symptoms of Mania: The Longitudinal Assessment of Manic Symptoms (LAMS) Study. J Clin Psychiatr. Epub 2010 Oct 5.

January 01, 2011

"E-Therapy" Raises Questions, Possibilities


Therapy in cyberspace? It sounds like something out of Aldous Huxley's futuristic novel, Brave New World. Yet both service providers and recipients are already using the Internet as a tool in the delivery of treatment services for mental and addictive disorders.

How does "e-therapy" work? What are its limitations? And is it useful? Continuing Education for MFT
SAMHSA's Center for Substance Abuse Treatment (CSAT) sponsored a meeting last year to explore some of these questions and to launch a dialogue on this recent innovation.

In his opening remarks, CSAT Director H. Westley Clark, M.D., J.D., M.P.H., identified the most fundamental issue: What is e-therapy? He noted, "We currently have no solid definition for this new mode of treatment."

David Nickelson, Psy.D., J.D., Director of the Office of Technology Policy and Projects for the American Psychological Association, suggested that in order to define e-therapy, several questions would need to be answered: Is it traditional psychotherapy using a new medium? Or is it actually a new type of therapy? Should it be considered something other than therapy, such as counseling?

He identified some questions pertaining to health service as well, such as:

How do ethical and legal guidelines apply to e-therapy?

Should e-therapy be regulated?

Can e-therapy sessions be kept private and confidential?

Is it clinically appropriate to use the Internet in this way?

Advantages/Disadvantages
Gary Walz, Executive Director of the ERIC Counseling and Student Services Clearinghouse at the University of North Carolina-Greensboro, said that people who are in the midst of a serious crisis are not good candidates for e-therapy. This includes people who are suicidal or are experiencing a serious drug addiction.

Mr. Walz further noted that some clients might feel uncomfortable discussing important subjects online, and that the lack of immediacy and nonverbal cues could be a disadvantage. He also observed that no state licensor codes deal with e-therapy, no legislation guides its use, and many professional liability insurance policies will not cover it.

Dr. Nickelson added that some pathologies might present problems to treatment online. For example, when individuals are online, they can alter their identities and claim to be a different age or gender. This could be particularly problematic in the treatment of people with certain personality disorders, he said.

Several participants expressed concern about establishing rapport between client and therapist-often considered vital to successful therapy-over the Internet.

But participants also discussed the potential advantages that e-therapy offers. Mr. Walz noted that therapy online could help reach underserved populations, including those in remote geographical regions. Also, counselors could continue to treat clients who relocate to other areas. Clients with time constraints or difficult schedules might find e-therapy more convenient, he said. All of these factors could enable many more people to receive treatment then receive it currently.

Guidelines and Standards
Professional organizations are developing professional guidelines and standards for addressing practices that are unique to Internet counseling. Doug Gilbert, Ph.D., NCC, ethics officer for the National Board of Certified Counselors, discussed his organization's process for developing standards. These standards address such issues as verifying the identity of the Internet client, determining if a client is a minor and therefore in need of parental or guardian consent, and explaining to clients the procedures for contacting an Internet counselor offline.

Donna Ford, NCC, LPC, Past President of the American Counseling Association, recommended that counselors provide individual online counseling only through a secure Web site or e-mail application that uses appropriate security measures including encryption. Even so, she said, clients should be informed that some information transmitted may not be secure. Client waivers should acknowledge the understanding of the limitations in ensuring confidentiality of information. She added that counselors should identify potential situations to clients in which confidentiality would have to be breached.

December 10, 2010

FEMA Highlights Holiday Gifts That Increase Preparedness


Release Number: HQ-09-149

WASHINGTON, D.C. -- This year Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) has assembled a list of gift ideas for the holidays to help keep your family and friends prepared. Emergencies can happen at any moment; these gifts can serve as a great starting point to ensure that your friends and family have an emergency communications plan, a disaster supply kit, and stay informed about emergencies in their area.

“Disasters can happen anytime, anywhere and the holiday season provides a great opportunity to ensure that you and your loved ones are taking simple steps to be prepared,” said FEMA Administrator Craig Fugate. “As families gather this holiday season, I encourage everyone to take a few minutes and discuss what you would do in case of an emergency or disaster. The public is the most important member of our nation’s emergency response team and the more the public does to be prepared, the more successful this team will be.”

The most important thing any individual can do is take a few minutes to discuss with their family, friends and loved ones what they will do in the case of an emergency or disaster. This includes developing a simple family communications plan and identifying how you would get in touch with loved ones and where you might meet if you are separated when an emergency or disaster takes place.

Additionally, there are simple supplies that can go a long way in the case of an emergency or disaster that would make great gifts this holiday season.

A list of possible gifts that may assist in disasters includes:

•Disaster kits for homes, offices and autos (first aid kits; food, water and prescription medications for 72 hours; i.e., extra clothing, blankets, and flashlights).
•NOAA weather radios with extra batteries.
•Enrollment in a CPR or first-aid class.
•Smoke detectors.
•Fire extinguishers (for kitchen, garage, car, etc.)
•Foldable ladders for second-story escape in a fire.
•Car kits (emergency flares, shovels, ice scrapers, flashlights and fluorescent distress flags).
•Pet Disaster kits (food, water, leashes, dishes and carrying case or crate).
•Battery powered lamps
This year, consider at least one of these ideas. You just may save the life of a friend or family member. For more information and preparedness tips, please visit www.ready.gov and www.fema.gov.

FEMA's mission is to support our citizens and first responders to ensure that as a nation we work together to build, sustain, and improve our capability to prepare for, protect against, respond to, recover from, and mitigate all hazards.
Social Worker Continuing Education http://www.aspirace.com

December 06, 2010

2009-2010 Influenza (Flu) Season


What was the 2009-2010 flu season like?
Flu seasons are unpredictable in a number of ways, including when they begin, how severe they are, how long they last and which viruses will spread. There were more uncertainties than usual going into the 2009-2010 flu season because of the emergence of the 2009 H1N1 influenza virus (previously called "novel H1N1" or "swine flu") in the spring of 2009. This virus caused the first influenza pandemic (global outbreak of disease caused by a novel influenza virus) in more than 40 years. The United States experienced its first wave of 2009 H1N1 activity in the spring of 2009, followed by a second, larger wave of 2009 H1N1 activity in the fall and winter, during typical “flu season” time for the U.S. For information about 2009 H1N1 flu, visit the CDC 2009 H1N1 website.

The 2009-2010 flu season began very early, with 2009 H1N1 viruses predominating and causing high levels of flu activity much earlier in the year than during most regular flu seasons. Activity peaked in October and then declined quickly to below baseline levels by January. While activity was low and continuing to decline, 2009 H1N1 viruses were still reported in small numbers through the spring and summer of 20101. Additional information about flu activity during the 2009-2010 season can be found in the MMWR article "Update: Influenza Activity – United Sates, 2009-10 Season."

1Mustaquim, D et al. Update: Influenza Activity – United States, 2009-10 Season. 2010; 59: 901-908.

When did the flu season peak?
The weekly percentage of outpatient visits for influenza-like illness (ILI) peaked at the end of October at 7.6%, a level higher than the three previous influenza seasons, as reported by the U.S. Outpatient ILI Surveillance Network (ILINet). This percentage decreased to 1.0% by the middle of May, 2010. The number of states reporting widespread influenza activity peaked at 49 at the end of October, and decreased to zero by the beginning of January. By the middle of May, no states were reporting widespread or regional influenza activity and most states were reporting sporadic or no flu activity. In most years, seasonal influenza activity peaks in January or February. (See graph of peak influenza activity by month in the United States from 1976-2009.)

How severe was the season?
2009 H1N1 activity was relatively more severe among people younger than 65 years of age compared with non-pandemic influenza seasons. Influenza activity was associated with significantly higher pediatric mortality, and higher rates of hospitalizations in children and young adults than previous seasons. The 2009-10 influenza season was relatively less severe among people 65 years and older than compared with usual flu seasons. Like seasonal flu, people with certain chronic medical conditions were at greater risk of serious flu complications during the 2009-10 pandemic season, including hospitalizations and deaths. In fact, an estimated 80% of adult hospitalizations and 65% of child hospitalizations related to 2009 H1N1 occurred in people with one or more underlying medical conditions1. Additional information about severity of the 2009-2010 season can be found in the MMWR article “Update: Influenza Activity – United Sates, 2009-10 Season.”

How is severity characterized?
The overall health impact (e.g., illnessess, hospitalizations and deaths) of a flu season varies from year to year. Based on available data from U.S. influenza surveillance systems monitored and reported by CDC, the severity of a flu season can be judged according to a variety of criteria, including:

•The number and proportion of flu laboratory tests that are positive;
•The proportion of visits to physicians for influenza-like illness (ILI);
•The proportion of all deaths that are caused by pneumonia and flu;
•The number of flu-associated deaths among children; and
•The flu-associated hospitalization rate among children and adults.
A season's severity is determined by assessing several of these measures and by comparing them with previous seasons.

How effective is the seasonal flu vaccine?
The ability of flu vaccine to protect a person depends on two things: 1) the age and health status of the person getting vaccinated, and 2) the similarity or "match" between the virus strains in the vaccine and those circulating in the community. If the viruses in the vaccine and the influenza viruses circulating in the community are closely matched, vaccine effectiveness is higher. If they are not closely matched, vaccine effectiveness can be reduced. However, it's important to remember that even when the viruses are not closely matched, the vaccine can still protect many people and prevent flu-related complications. Such protection is possible because antibodies made in response to the vaccine can provide some protection (called cross-protection) against different, but related strains of influenza viruses. The vaccine may be somewhat less effective in elderly persons and very young children, but vaccination can still prevent serious complications from the flu.
For more information about seasonal flu vaccine effectiveness, visit "How Well Does the Seasonal Flu Vaccine Work?"

What did CDC do to monitor effectiveness of flu vaccines for the 2009-10 season?
Every year CDC carries out evaluations and collaborates with outside partners to assess the effectiveness of seasonal flu vaccines.

Were last season’s vaccines a good match for circulating viruses?
Flu viruses are constantly changing (called antigenic drift) – they often change from one season to the next or they can even change within the course of one flu season. Experts must pick which viruses to include in the vaccine many months in advance in order for vaccine to be produced and delivered on time. (For more information about the seasonal flu vaccine virus selection process, visit "Selecting the Viruses in the Influenza (Flu) Vaccine.") Because of these factors, there is always the possibility of a less than optimal match between circulating flu viruses and the viruses in the seasonal flu vaccine.
Because there were few seasonal flu viruses (as opposed to 2009 H1N1 viruses) in circulation during the 2009-2010 season, vaccine effectiveness (VE) studies could not be performed for the 2009-2010 seasonal vaccine. CDC was able to estimate VE for the 2009 H1N1 vaccine. The estimate for overall VE for the 2009 H1N1 vaccine was approximately 62%.

Why were two vaccines needed last season?
The 2009-2010 season was very unusual. The emergence of a new and very different H1N1 virus meant that two vaccines were needed: one to prevent seasonal influenza viruses that were anticipated to spread and another to prevent influenza caused by the newly emerged 2009 H1N1 virus. As usual, components of the seasonal flu vaccine were decided upon well in advance of the season and vaccine production was well underway by the time the new 2009 H1N1 virus emerged. If the 2009 H1N1 virus had emerged sooner, it would have been included in the seasonal vaccine. Therefore, a second flu vaccine was created to protect against the new flu virus. 2009 H1N1 was by far the dominant virus in circulation last season, and the 2009 H1N1 vaccine was a very good match; 99.5% of the 2009 H1N1 virus specimens tested during the season were related to the virus used to develop the 2009 H1N1 vaccine.

The 2010-2011 seasonal flu vaccine will protect against the 2009 H1N1 virus and 2 other flu viruses.

What did CDC do to monitor antiviral resistance in the United States during the 2009-10 season?
Antiviral resistance means that a virus has changed in such a way that antiviral drugs have become less effective in treating or preventing illnesses caused by the virus. Samples of viruses collected from around the United States and the world are studied to determine if they are resistant to any of the four FDA-approved influenza antiviral drugs.

CDC routinely collects viruses through a domestic and global surveillance system to monitor for changes in influenza viruses. CDC conducted surveillance and testing of seasonal influenza viruses and 2009 H1N1 influenza viruses to check for antiviral resistance. CDC also implemented enhanced surveillance across the United States to monitor resistance in 2009 H1N1 viruses. By the end of the 2009-2010 season, almost all (98.9%) of the 2009 H1N1 influenza viruses tested for antiviral resistance at CDC were susceptible to oseltamivir (Tamiflu®), and all of the viruses tested were susceptible to zanamivir (Relenza®). CDC also worked with the state public health departments and the World Health Organization to collect additional information on antiviral resistance in the United States and worldwide. The information collected assisted in making informed public health policy recommendations.

For information about 2009 H1N1 flu, visit http://www.cdc.gov/h1n1flu/
LCSW and Social Worker Continuing Education http://www.aspirace.com

November 15, 2010

OxyContin® Abuse and Addiction Continuing Education CEUs


The media have issued numerous reports about the apparent increase in OxyContin® abuse and addiction. Some of these reports include the following:

• In Madison, Wisconsin, a task force reported a dramatic increase in OxyContin cases since 2003. Most OxyContin making its way onto the streets of Madison and nearby communities was believed to have been stolen from local pharmacies.1
• The police chief in Billerica, Massachusetts, reported a “dramatic increase in OxyContin abuse.”2
• The distribution of OxyContin in Virginia was reported to be well above the national average. In the counties of far southwest Virginia, where the hard physical labor of coal mining and farming leads to a higher incidence of injuries, OxyContin prescriptions were generally 500 percent above the national average.3
• Sixty-nine percent of police chiefs and sheriffs said they have witnessed an increase in the abuse of painkillers such as OxyContin. The areas most affected are eastern Kentucky, New Orleans, southern Maine, Philadelphia, southwestern Pennsylvania, southwestern Virginia, Cincinnati, and Phoenix.4

These reports may reflect some of your experiences: We know many of you are treating clients addicted to OxyContin.

OxyContin has been heralded as a miracle drug that allows patients with chronic pain to resume a normal life. It has also been called pharmaceutical heroin and is thought to have been responsible for a number of deaths and robberies in areas where its abuse has been reported. Patients who legitimately use OxyContin fear that the continuing controversy will mean tighter restrictions on the medication. Those who abuse OxyContin reportedly go to great lengths—legal or illegal—to obtain the powerful drug.

At the Center for Substance Abuse Treatment (CSAT), we are not interested in fueling the controversy about the use or abuse of OxyContin. As the Federal Government’s focal point for addiction treatment information, CSAT is instead interested in helping professionals on the front line of substance abuse treatment by providing you with the facts about OxyContin, its use and abuse, and how to treat individuals who present at your treatment facility with OxyContin concerns. Perhaps these individuals are taking medically prescribed OxyContin to manage pain and are concerned about their physical dependence on the medication. Perhaps you are faced with a young adult who thought that OxyContin was a “safe” recreational drug because, after all, doctors prescribe it. Possibly changes in the availability or quality of illicit opioid drugs in your community have led to abuse of and addiction to OxyContin.

Whatever the reason, OxyContin is being abused, and people are becoming addicted. And in many instances, these people are young adults unaware of the dangers of OxyContin. Many of these individuals mix OxyContin with alcohol and drugs, and the result is all too often tragic.

Abuse of prescription drugs is not a new phenomenon. You have undoubtedly heard about abuse of Percocet®, hydrocodone, and a host of other medications. What sets OxyContin abuse apart is the potency of the drug. Treatment providers in affected areas say that they were unprepared for the speed with which an OxyContin “epidemic” developed in their communities.

We at CSAT want to make sure that you are prepared if OxyContin abuse becomes a problem in your community. This revised issue of the original Substance Abuse Treatment Advisory on OxyContin will help prepare you by

• Answering frequently asked questions about OxyContin
• Providing you with general information about semisynthetic opioids and their addiction potential
• Summarizing evidence-based protocols for treatment
• Providing you with resources for further information

For more information about OxyContin abuse and treatment, see our resource boxes and end of this document. Feel free to copy the information in the Substance Abuse Treatment Advisory and share it with colleagues so that they, too, can have the most current information about this critically important topic.

OxyContin® Frequently Asked Questions

Q: What is OxyContin?

A: OxyContin is a semisynthetic opioid analgesic prescribed for chronic or long-lasting pain. The medication’s active ingredient is oxycodone, which is also found in drugs like Percodan® and Tylox®. However, OxyContin contains between 10 and 80 milligrams (mg) of oxycodone in a timed-release tablet. Painkillers such as Tylox contain 5 mg of oxycodone and often require repeated doses to bring about pain relief because they lack the timed-release formulation.

Q: How is OxyContin used?

A: OxyContin, also referred to as “Oxy,” “O.C.,” and “Oxycotton” on the street, is legitimately prescribed as a timed-release tablet, providing as many as 12 hours of relief from chronic pain. It is often prescribed for cancer patients or those with chronic, long-lasting back pain. The benefit of the medication to people who suffer from chronic pain is that they generally need to take the pill only twice a day, whereas a dosage of another medication would require more frequent use to control the pain. The goal of chronic pain treatment is to decrease pain and improve function.

Q: How is OxyContin abused?

A: People who abuse OxyContin either crush the tablet and ingest or snort it or dilute it in water and inject it. Crushing or diluting the tablet disarms the timed-release action of the medication and causes a quick, powerful high. Those who abuse OxyContin have compared this feeling to the euphoria they experience when taking heroin. In fact, in some areas, the use of heroin is overshadowed by the abuse of OxyContin.

Purdue Pharma, OxyContin’s manufacturer, has taken steps to reduce the potential for abuse of OxyContin and other pain medications. Its Web site lists the following initiatives: funding educational programs to teach healthcare professionals how to assess and treat patients suffering from pain, providing prescribers with tamper-proof prescription pads, developing and distributing more than 1 million brochures to pharmacists and healthcare professionals to help educate them about medication diversion, working with healthcare and law enforcement officials to address prescription drug abuse, and endorsing the development of State and national prescription drug monitoring programs to detect diversion. In addition, the company is attempting to research and develop other pain management products that will be more resistant to abuse and diversion. The company estimates that it will take significant time for such products to be brought to market. For more information, visit Purdue Pharma’s Web site at www.purduepharma.com or call the company at 203–588–8069.

Q: How does OxyContin abuse differ from abuse of other pain prescriptions?

A: Abuse of prescription pain medications is not new. Two primary factors, however, set OxyContin abuse apart from other prescription drug abuse. First, OxyContin is a powerful drug that contains a much larger amount of the active ingredient, oxycodone, than other prescription pain relievers. By crushing the tablet and either ingesting or snorting it, or by injecting diluted OxyContin, people who abuse the opioid feel its powerful effects in a short time, rather than over a 12-hour span. Second, great profits can be made in the illegal sale of OxyContin. A 40-mg pill costs approximately $4 by prescription, yet it may sell for $20 to $40 on the street, depending on the area of the country in which the drug is sold.5

OxyContin can be comparatively inexpensive if it is legitimately prescribed and if its cost is covered by insurance. However, the National Drug Intelligence Center reports that people who abuse OxyContin may use heroin if their insurance will no longer pay for their OxyContin prescription because heroin is less expensive than OxyContin that is purchased illegally.6

Q: Why are so many crimes reportedly associated with OxyContin abuse?

A: Many reports of OxyContin abuse have occurred in rural areas that have housed labor-intensive industries, such as logging or coal mining. These industries are often located in economically depressed areas, as well. Therefore, people for whom the drug may have been legitimately prescribed may be tempted to sell their prescriptions for profit. Substance abuse treatment providers say that the addiction is so strong that people will go to great lengths to get the drug, including robbing pharmacies and writing false prescriptions.

Q: What is the likelihood that a person for whom OxyContin is prescribed will become addicted?

A: Most people who take OxyContin as prescribed do not become addicted. The National Institute on Drug Abuse reports: “Long-term use [of opioids] can lead to physical dependence—the body adapts to the presence of the substance and withdrawal symptoms occur if use is reduced abruptly. This can also include tolerance, which means that higher doses of a medication must be taken to obtain the same initial effects. . . . Studies have shown that properly managed medical use of opioid analgesic compounds is safe and rarely causes addiction. Taken exactly as prescribed, opioids can be used to manage pain effectively.”7

One review found, “A multitude of studies indicate that the rate of opioid addiction in populations of chronic pain sufferers is similar to the rate of opioid addiction within the general population, falling in the range of 1 to 2 percent or less.”8

In short, most individuals who are prescribed OxyContin, or any other opioid, will not become addicted, although they may become dependent on the drug and will need to be withdrawn by a qualified physician. Individuals who are taking the drug as prescribed should continue to do so, as long as they and their physician agree that taking the drug is a medically appropriate way for them to manage pain.

Q: How can I determine whether a person who uses OxyContin is dependent on rather than addicted to OxyContin?

A: When pain patients take an opioid analgesic as directed, or to the point where their pain is adequately controlled, it is not abuse or addiction. Abuse occurs when patients take more than is needed for pain control, especially if they take it to get high. Patients who take their medication in a manner that grossly differs from a physician’s directions are probably abusing that drug.

If a patient continues to seek excessive pain medication after pain management is achieved, the patient may be addicted. Addiction is characterized by the repeated, compulsive use of a substance despite adverse social, psychological, and/or physical consequences. Addiction is often (but not always) accompanied by physical dependence, withdrawal syndrome, and tolerance. Physical dependence is defined as a physiologic state of adaptation to a substance. The absence of this substance produces symptoms and signs of withdrawal. Withdrawal syndrome is often characterized by overactivity of the physiological functions that were suppressed by the drug and/or depression of the functions that were stimulated by the drug. Opioids often cause sleepiness, calmness, and constipation, so opioid withdrawal often includes insomnia, anxiety, and diarrhea.

Pain patients, however, may sometimes develop a physical dependence during treatment with opioids. This is not an addiction. A gradual decrease of the medication dose over time, as the pain is resolving, brings the former pain patient to a drug-free state without any craving for repeated doses of the drug. This is the difference between the patient treated for pain who was formerly dependent and has now been withdrawn from medication and the patient who is opioid addicted: The patient addicted to diverted pharmaceutical opioids continues to have a severe and uncontrollable craving that almost always leads to eventual relapse in the absence of adequate treatment. This uncontrollable craving for another “rush” of the drug differentiates the patient who is “detoxified” but opioid addicted from the former pain patient. Theoretically, a person who abuses opioids might develop a physical dependence but obtain treatment in the first few months of abuse, before becoming addicted. In this case, supervised withdrawal (detoxification) followed by a few months of abstinence-oriented treatment might be sufficient for the patient who is not addicted who abuses opioids. If, however, this patient subsequently relapses to opioid abuse, then that behavior would support a diagnosis of opioid addiction. If the patient has several relapses to opioid abuse, he or she will require long-term treatment for the opioid addiction. (See the section titled Treatment and Detoxification Protocols to learn more about treatment options.)

Q: I work at a facility that does not use medication-assisted treatment. What treatment should I provide to individuals addicted to or dependent on OxyContin?

A: The majority of U.S. treatment facilities do not offer medication-assisted treatment. However, because of the strength of OxyContin and its powerful addiction potential, medical complications may be increased by quickly withdrawing individuals from the drug. Premature withdrawal may cause individuals to seek heroin, and the quality of that heroin will not be known. In addition, these individuals, if injecting heroin, may also expose themselves to HIV and hepatitis. Most people addicted to OxyContin need medication-assisted treatment. Even if individuals have been taking OxyContin legitimately to manage pain, they should not stop taking the drug all at once. Instead, their dosages should be tapered down until medication is no longer needed. If you work in a drug-free or abstinence-based treatment facility, it is important to refer patients to facilities where they can receive appropriate treatment. (See SAMHSA Resources.)

Treatment and Detoxification Protocols

OxyContin® is a powerful drug that contains a much larger amount of the active ingredient, oxycodone, than other prescription opioid pain relievers. Whereas most people who take OxyContin as prescribed do not become addicted, those who abuse their pain medication or obtain it illegally may find themselves becoming rapidly dependent on, if not addicted to, the drug.

Two types of treatment have been documented as most effective for opioid addiction. One is a long-term, residential, therapeutic community type of treatment, and the other is long-term, medication-assisted outpatient treatment. Clinical trials using medications to treat opioid addiction have generally included subjects addicted to diverted pharmaceutical opioids as well as to illicit heroin. Therefore, there is no medical reason to suppose that the patient addicted to diverted pharmaceutical opioids is any less likely to benefit from medication-assisted treatment than the patient addicted to heroin.

Some patients who are opioid addicted who have very good social supports may occasionally be able to benefit from antagonist treatment with naltrexone. This treatment works best if the patient is highly motivated to participate in treatment and has undergone adequate detoxification from the opioid of abuse. Most patients who are opioid addicted in outpatient therapy, however, do best with medication that is either an agonist or a partial agonist. Methadone is the agonist medication most commonly prescribed for opioid addiction treatment in this country. Buprenorphine is the only partial agonist approved by the Food and Drug Administration for opioid addiction treatment.

The guidelines for treating OxyContin addiction or dependence are basically no different than the guidelines the Center for Substance Abuse Treatment (CSAT) uses for treating addiction to or dependence on any opioid. However, because OxyContin contains higher dose levels of opioid than are typically found in other oxycodone-containing pain medications, higher dosages of methadone or buprenorphine may be needed to appropriately treat patients who abuse OxyContin.

Methadone or buprenorphine may be used for OxyContin addiction treatment or, for that matter, treatment for addiction to any other opioid, including the semisynthetic opioids. Medication-assisted treatment for prescription opioid abuse is not a new treatment approach. For instance, in 2002, Alaska estimated that 15,000 people abused prescription opioids in the State and that most patients receiving methadone were not addicted to heroin. In addition, a significant percentage of patients in publicly supported methadone programs were not being treated for heroin addiction but for abuse of semisynthetic opioids (e.g., hydrocodone). The Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) Drug Abuse Warning Network emergency room data show that both oxycodone and hydrocodone mentions increased dramatically in the United States between 1995 and 2002.9 And when Arkansas opened its first methadone maintenance clinic in December 1993, the vast majority of its clients were not admitted for heroin addiction but for semisynthetic opioid abuse. These individuals had been traveling to other States for treatment because methadone treatment was not available near their homes.

Using the criteria above describing the difference between addiction to and dependence on OxyContin, you may be able to determine whether a patient requires treatment for opioid addiction. If this is the case, methadone or buprenorphine may be used for withdrawal. For certain patient populations, including those with many treatment failures, methadone or buprenorphine is the treatment of choice.10

“As substance abuse treatment professionals, we have the responsibility for learning as much as we can about OxyContin and then providing appropriate treatment for people addicted to it. Appropriate treatment will nearly always involve prescribing methadone, buprenorphine, or, in some cases, naltrexone,” says H. Westley Clark, M.D., J.D., Director of CSAT. “Programs that do not offer medication-assisted treatment will need to refer patients who are addicted to OxyContin to programs that do,” he adds.

It is important to assess an individual’s eligibility for medication-assisted treatment with methadone or buprenorphine to determine whether he or she is eligible for this type of treatment and whether it would be appropriate. The assessment may take place in a hospital emergency department, central intake unit, or similar place. Final assessment of an individual’s eligibility for medication-assisted treatment must be completed by treatment program staff. The preliminary assessment should include the following areas:11

• Determining the need for emergency care
• Diagnosing the presence and severity of opioid dependence
• Determining the extent of alcohol and drug abuse
• Screening for co-occurring medical and psychiatric conditions
• Evaluating an individual’s living situation, family and social problems, and legal problems

“. . . we have the responsibility for learning as much as we can about OxyContin, and then providing appropriate treatment for people who are addicted to it.”

H. Westley Clark, M.D., J.D., M.P.H., CAS, FASAM
Director, CSAT

Treatment Improvement Protocols (TIPs) and Collateral Products Addressing Opioid Addiction Treatment

TIP 40 Clinical Guidelines for the Use of Buprenorphine in the Treatment of Opioid Addiction BKD500

Quick Guide for Physicians Based on TIP 40: Clinical Guidelines for the Use of Buprenorphine in the Treatment of Opioid Addiction QGPT40

KAP Keys for Physicians Based on TIP 40: Clinical Guidelines for the Use of Buprenorphine in the Treatment of Opioid Addiction KAPT40

TIP 43 Medication-Assisted Treatment for Opioid Addiction in Opioid Treatment Programs BKD524

Quick Guide for Clinicians Based on TIP 43: Medication-Assisted Treatment for Opioid Addiction in Opioid Treatment Programs QGCT43

KAP Keys for Clinicians Based on TIP 43: Medication-Assisted Treatment for Opioid Addiction in Opioid Treatment Programs KAPT43

SAMHSA Resources

To find a substance abuse treatment facility near you, visit the Substance Abuse Treatment Facility Locator at www.findtreatment.samhsa.gov. Call the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration Substance Abuse Treatment Hotline at 800–662–HELP for substance abuse treatment referral information.

For More Information About Treatment for Opioid Addiction

Sign up for SAMHSA’s Information Mailing System (SIMS) to receive information about the following topics:

• Grant announcements
• Funding opportunities such as competitive contract announcements
• Prevention materials and publications
• Treatment- and provider-oriented materials and publications
• Research findings and reports
• Announcements of available research data sets
• Policy announcements and materials

To sign up for this free service, use one of the following methods to contact SIMS:

Web: http://sims.health.org
Mail: SAMHSA’s National Clearinghouse for Alcohol and Drug Information (NCADI)
Attn: Mailing List Manager
P.O. Box 2345
Rockville, MD 20847–2345
Phone: 800–729–6686
Fax: 301–468–6433
Attn: Mailing List Manager

Three Ways To Obtain Free Copies of All CSAT Products:

1. Call SAMHSA’s NCADI at 800–729–6686; TDD (hearing impaired) 800–487–4889
2. Visit NCADI’s Web site, www.ncadi.samhsa.gov
3. Access TIPs on line at www.kap.samhsa.gov


Substance Abuse Treatment Advisory

Substance Abuse Treatment Advisory—published on an as-needed basis for treatment providers—was written and produced under contract number 270-04-7049 by the Knowledge Application Program (KAP), a Joint Venture of JBS International, Inc., and The CDM Group, Inc., for the Center for Substance Abuse Treatment, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). The content of this publication does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of SAMHSA or HHS.

Public Domain Notice: All material in this report is in the public domain and may be reproduced or copied without permission; citation of the source is appreciated. However, this publication may not be reproduced or distributed for a fee without the specific, written authorization of the Office of Communications, SAMHSA, HHS.

Electronic Access and Copies of Publication: This publication can be accessed electronically through the Internet at www.kap.samhsa.gov. Additional free print copies can be ordered from SAMHSA’s National Clearinghouse for Alcohol and Drug Information at 800–729–6686.

Recommended Citation: Center for Substance Abuse Treatment. “OxyContin®: Prescription Drug Abuse—2006 Revision.” Substance Abuse Treatment Advisory, Volume 5, Issue 1. Rockville, MD: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, April 2006.

DHHS Publication No. (SMA) 06-4138
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration
Printed 2006

Notes

1. WISC-TV. OxyContin: The Good, The Bad, The Deadly. Broadcast transcript. Madison, WI: WISC-TV, February 14, 2006. www.channel3000.com/health/7013912/detail.html [accessed March 2, 2006].
2. Crane, J.P. Drug use by young raises flag. The Boston Globe, February 5, 2006. www.boston.com/news/local/articles/2006/02/05/drug_use_by_young_raises_flag [accessed March 2, 2006].
3. Hammack, L. Painkiller prescriptions up significantly in region. The Roanoke Times, March 28, 2004. www.roanoke.com/roatimes/news/story164817.html [accessed March 2, 2006].
4. Reuters. Powerful painkillers fueling U.S. crime rate. Redmond, WA: MSNBC.com., March 10, 2005. www.msnbc.msn.com/id/7141313 [accessed March 2, 2006].
5. National Drug Intelligence Center. Intelligence Bulletin: OxyContin Diversion, Availability, and Abuse. Johnstown, PA: National Drug Intelligence Center, U.S. Department of Justice, August 2004. www.usdoj.gov/ndic/pubs10/10550/10550p.pdf [accessed March 3, 2006].
6. National Drug Intelligence Center. Pharmaceuticals. In: National Drug Threat Assessment 2004. Johnstown, PA: National Drug Intelligence Center, U.S. Department of Justice, April 2004. www.usdoj.gov/ndic/pubs8/8731/8731p.pdf [accessed March 3, 2006].
7. National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA). NIDA Infofacts: Prescription Pain and Other Medications. Washington, DC: NIDA, National Institutes of Health, 2005. www.drugabuse.gov/infofacts/PainMed.html [accessed March 3, 2006].
8. Fisher, F.B. Interpretation of “aberrant” drug-related behaviors. Journal of American Physicians and Surgeons 9(1):25–28, 2004.
9. Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA). Emergency Department Trends From the Drug Abuse Warning Network: Final Estimates 1995–2002. DAWN Series D-24. DHHS Publication No. (SMA) 03-3780. Rockville, MD: SAMHSA, 2003. dawninfo.samhsa.gov/old_dawn/pubs_94_02/edpubs/2002final [accessed March 2, 2006].
10. Center for Substance Abuse Treatment. Detoxification and Substance Abuse Treatment. Treatment Improvement Protocol (TIP) Series 45. DHHS Publication No. (SMA) 06-4131. Rockville, MD: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2006.
11. Center for Substance Abuse Treatment. Initial screening, admission procedures, and assessment techniques. In: Medication-Assisted Treatment for Opioid Addiction in Opioid Treatment Programs. Treatment Improvement Protocol (TIP) Series 43. DHHS Publication No. (SMA) 05-4048. Rockville, MD: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2005, pp. 43–61.

November 01, 2010

Mood Disorders

MOOD DISORDERS CEUs
How much of the population is affected by mood disorders?
Each year, almost 44 million Americans experience a mental disorder. In fact, mental illnesses are among the most common conditions affecting health today.
What causes mood disorders / mental illness?
Researchers believe most serious mental illnesses are caused by complex imbalances in the brain's chemical activity. They also believe environmental factors can play a part in triggering, or cushioning against, the onset of mental illness.
Are mood disorders treatable?
Like other diseases, mental illnesses can be treated. The good news is that most people who have mental illnesses, even serious ones, can lead productive lives with proper treatment. Mood disorders are one form of serious mental illness.
What are some common mood disorders?
Two of the most common mood disorders are depression and bipolar disorder, also known as manic-depressive illness.
Bipolar Disorder
Description: Extreme mood swings punctuated by periods of generally even-keeled behavior characterize this disorder. Bipolar disorder tends to run in families. This disorder typically begins in the mid-twenties and continues throughout life. Without treatment, people who have bipolar disorder often go through devastating life events such as marital breakups, job loss, substance abuse, and suicide.
Symptoms: Mania-expansive or irritable mood, inflated self-esteem, decreased need for sleep; increased energy; racing thoughts; feelings of invulnerability; poor judgment; heightened sex drive; and denial that anything is wrong. Depression-feelings of hopelessness, guilt, worthlessness, or melancholy; fatigue; loss of appetite for food or sex; sleep disturbances, thoughts of death or suicide; and suicide attempts. Mania and depression may vary in both duration and degree of intensity.
Formal Diagnosis: Although scientific evidence indicates bipolar disorder is caused by chemical imbalances in the brain, no lab test exists to diagnose the disorder. In fact, this mental illness often goes unrecognized by the person who has it, relatives, friends, or even physicians. The first step of diagnosis is to receive a complete medical evaluation to rule out any other mental or physical disorders. Anyone who has this mental illness should be under the care of a psychiatrist skilled in the diagnosis and treatment of bipolar disorder.
Treatment: Eighty to ninety percent of people who have bipolar disorder can be treated effectively with medication and psychotherapy. Self-help groups can offer emotional support and assistance in recognizing signs of relapse to avert a full-blown episode of bipolar disorder. The most commonly prescribed medications to treat bipolar disorder are three mood stabilizers: lithium carbonate, carbamazepine, and valproate.
Depression
Description: When a person's feelings of sadness persist beyond a few weeks, he or she may have depression. According to the National Institute for Mental Health, three to four million men are affected by depression; it affects twice as many women. Researchers do not know the exact mechanisms that trigger depression. Two neurotransmitters-natural substances that allow brain cells to communicate with one another-are implicated in depression: serotonin and norepinephrine.
Symptoms: Changes in appetite and sleeping patterns; feelings of worthlessness, hopelessness, and inappropriate guilt; loss of interest or pleasure in formerly important activities; fatigue; inability to concentrate; overwhelming sadness; disturbed thinking; physical symptoms such as headaches or stomachaches; and suicidal thoughts or behaviors.
Formal Diagnosis: Four or more of the previous symptoms have been present continually, or most of the time, for more than 2 weeks. The term clinical depression merely means the episode of depression is serious enough to require treatment. Major depression is marked by far more severe symptoms, such as literally being unable to drag oneself out of bed. Another form of depression, known as seasonal affective disorder, is associated with seasonal changes in the amount of available daylight.
Treatment: Some types of cognitive/behavioral therapy and interpersonal therapy may be as effective as medications for some people who have depression. Special bright light helps many people who have seasonal affective disorder.
Three major types of medication are used to treat depression: tricyclics; the newer selective serotonin re-uptake inhibitors (SSRIs), and monoamine oxidase inhibitors (MAO inhibitors). Electroconvulsive therapy uses small amounts of electricity applied to the scalp to affect neurotransmitters in the brain. Usually referred to as ECT, this highly controversial and potentially life-saving technique is considered only when other therapies have failed, when a person is seriously medically ill and/or unable to take medication, or when a person is very likely to commit suicide. Substantial improvements in the equipment, dosing guidelines and anesthesia have significantly reduced the possibility of side effects.
For more information and referrals to specialists and self-help groups in your State, contact:
Depression and Bipolar Support Alliance (DBSA) (formerly the National Depressive and Manic-Depressive Association)
730 N. Franklin Street, Suite 501
Chicago, IL 60601-3526
Telephone: 800-826-3632
Fax: 312-642-7243
www.dbsalliance.org

Continuing Education for Marriage and Family Therapists, Social Workers, & Licensed Professional Counselors

Continuing Education for Marriage and Family Therapists, Social Workers, Licensed Professional Counselors, and other Human Service Providers nationwide

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May 12, 2010

Depression and Mood Disorders Continuing Education CEU

Depression and Mood Disorders
The Prevalence of Major Depression and Mood Disorders in Suicide

Mental Health: A Report of the Surgeon General, states that "major depressive disorders account for about 20 to 35 percent of all deaths by suicide" (p. 244). This estimate is based on a review of psychological autopsies conducted by Angst, Angst, and Stassen (1999). This brief review is intended to address this prevalence estimate. It is important to note that this estimate refers only to the prevalence of major depressive disorder among those who commit suicide, not any other mood disorders (e.g., bipolar I & II, dysthymia, adjustment disorder with depressed mood). Prevalence estimates that include other mood disorders in addition to major depression are much higher.

Major depression in suicide
The lower bound of the 20-35% estimate of the prevalence of major depression in suicide is loosely based on one psychological autopsy study; a study where the reliability of the diagnoses are somewhat questionable. This study (Rich, Young & Fowler, 1986) of 204 subjects identified 15% of suicides as having major depressive disorder. However, an additional 30% were reported as having "atypical depression," defined in this study as having a depressive syndrome that followed the onset of substance use. If this ambiguously defined group were to be considered major depression, the estimate climbs to 45%. A number of other studies suggest that the prevalence of major depression in suicide is somewhat over 30%. The four other available psychological autopsy studies that include samples of suicides from the full age range and reliable diagnoses based on structured interviews (Arato, Demeter, Rihmer & Somogyi, 1988; Dorpat & Ripley, 1960; Foster, Gillespie, McClelland & Patterson, 1999; Henriksson et al., 1993) obtained prevalence estimates of major depression ranging from 30-34% of suicides. In addition, several psychological autopsy studies examining more specific subsamples (e.g., the elderly, adolescents, women) find even higher prevalence estimates. In three psychological autopsy studies of adolescents (Brent et al. 1988; Brent et al., 1999; Shaffer et al., 1996) 41%, 43%, and 32% of adolescent suicides were determined to have had major depression prior to death. Two studies of young adults (Lesage et al. 1994; Runeson, 1989) found a prevalence of 40% and 41%, respectively. A study of 104 women by Asgard (1990) found a 35% rate of major depression. One study of 54 older adults over age 65 found a prevalence of 54%. In summary, the available data suggest that the 20-35% estimate for the prevalence of major depressive disorder in completed suicide is probably somewhat conservative and that a 30-40% prevalence estimate is probably more accurate. This estimate includes both secondary and primary depression. Many of these individuals would also be comorbid with other disorders, especially substance abuse.

Mood disorders in suicide
Prevalence estimates for all mood disorders in suicide (including MDD, Bipolar I & II, dysthymia, and adjustment disorder with depressed mood) are much higher than for major depression alone. These rates are probably closer to 60%, although as noted below, this estimate varies because of inconsistency of the criteria used to define a "mood disorder" across investigations. Four studies examining the full age range of suicides estimate that 36%, 48%, and 66%, and 70% of suicides have some sort of "depressive disorder" or "depression" (Foster et al., 1999; Rich et al., 1986, Henriksson et al., 1993, Barraclough, Bunch, Nelson, & Sainsbury, 1974). Three studies of adolescents found prevalence estimates for "mood disorders" or "affective disorders" of 61%, 63%, and 67% respectively (Shaffer et al., 1996; Brent et al. 1988; Marttunen et al., 1992). Two studies of young adults (Lesage et al., 1994; Runeson, 1989) found estimates of 60% and 64%. A study of 104 women by Asgard (1990) found a 59% rate of "mood disorders." In a review of psychological autopsy studies that examined patterns of psychiatric diagnosis across age groups, Conwell and Brent (1995) concluded that depressive disorders increased with age. Overall estimates for the rates of mood disorders range from 36% to 70% with great interstudy variability. This variability is probably partly a combination of unreliable methods of diagnosis and different definitions of what constitutes a "mood disorder." Despite this variability, a number of studies have found a pattern for increasing mood disorders with aging.


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References

Angst, J., Angst, F., and Stassen, H. H. (1999). Suicide risk in patients with major depressive disorder. Journal of Clinical Psychiatry, 60(supp. 2), 57-62.

Arato, M., Demeter, E., Rihmer, Z., & Somogyi, E. (1988). Retrospective psychiatric assessment of 200 suicides in Budapest. Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica, 77, 454-456.

Asgard, U. (1990). A psychiatric study of suicide among urban women in Sweden. Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica, 82, 115-124.

Barraclough, B., Bunch, J., Nelson, B., & Sainsbury, P. (1974). A hundred cases of suicide: Clinical aspects. British Journal of Psychiatry, 125,355-373.

Brent, D.A., Perper, J.A., Goldstein, C.E., Kolko, D.J., Allan, M.J., Allman, C.J., & Zelenak, J.P. (1988). Risk factors for adolescent suicide: A comparison of adolescent suicide victims with suicidal inpatients. Archives of General Psychiatry, 45,581-588.

Brent, D. A., Perper, J. A., Moritz, G., Allman, C., Friend, A., Roth, C., Schweers, J., Balach, L., & Baugher, M. (1993). Psychiatric risk factors for adolescent suicide: A case-control study. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 32,521-529.

Clark, D. C. (1991). Final Report to the AARP Adrus Foundation: Suicide Among the Elderly.

Conwell, Y. & Brent, D. (1995). Suicide and aging I: Patterns of psychiatric diagnosis. International Psychogeriatrics, 7, 149-164.

Dorpat, T. L., & Ripley, H. S. (1960). A study of suicide in the Seattle area. Comprehensive Psychiatry, 1, 349-359

Foster, T., Gillespie, K., McClelland, R., & Patterson, C. (1999). Risk factors for suicide independent of DSM-III-R Axis I disorder. British Journal of Psychiatry, 175, 175-179.

Henriksson, M. M., Aro, H. M., Marttunen, M. J., Heikkinen, M. E., Isometa, E. T., Kuoppasalmi, K. I., & Lonqvist, J. K. (1993). Mental disorders and comorbidity in suicide. American Journal of Psychiatry, 150, 935-940.

Lesage, A., Boyer, R., Grunberg, F., Vanier, C., Morissette, R., Menard-Bueeau, C., & Loyer, M. (1994). Suicide and mental disorders: A case-control study of young men. American Journal of Psychiatry, 151, 1063-1068.

Marttunen, M. J., Hillevi, M., Aro, H.M., & Lonnqvist, J. K. (1992). Adolescent suicide: Endpoint of long-term difficulties. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 34(4), 649-654.

Rich, C. L., Young, D., & Fowler, R. C. (1986). San Diego suicide study: Young vs old subjects. Archives of General Psychiatry, 43, 577-582.

Runeson, B. (1989). Mental disorder in youth suicide: DSM-III-R Axes I and II. Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica, 79, 490-497.

Shaffer, D., Gould, M. S., Fisher, P., Trautmann, P., Moeau, D., Kleinman, M., & Flory, M. (1996). Psychiatric diagnosis in child and adolescent suicide. Archives of General Psychiatry, 53, 339-348.

April 19, 2010

Disaster Reactions of Potential Risk Groups

Training Manual
for Mental Health and Human Service Workers
in Major Disasters
SECTION 3
Disaster Reactions of Potential Risk Groups

Although there are many feelings and reactions people share in common following a disaster, there are also expressions that are more specifically influenced by the survivor's age, cultural and ethnic background, socioeconomic status, pre-existing physical, and psychosocial vulnerabilities. Disaster mental health workers are better prepared to design effective interventions when they have an understanding of how demographic and health factors interact with disaster stress.

This section describes groups commonly found within communities following a disaster and provides suggestions for disaster mental health interventions. Common issues, concerns, and reactions are also briefly presented in this section.

Common Needs and Reactions

First is a review of some thoughts, feelings, and behaviors common to all who experience a disaster:

Concern for basic survival

Grief over loss of loved ones and loss of valued and meaningful possessions

Fear and anxiety about personal safety and the physical safety of loved ones

Sleep disturbances, often including nightmares and imagery from the disaster

Concerns about relocation and related isolation or crowded living conditions

Need to talk about events and feelings associated with the disaster, often repeatedly

Need to feel one is a part of the community and its disaster recovery efforts
Potential Risk Groups

Each disaster-affected community has its own demographic composition, prior history with disasters or other traumatic events, and cultural representation. When disaster program planners review the groups impacted by a disaster in their community, consideration should be given to the following, as well as additional groups unique to the locale:

Age groups

Cultural and ethnic groups

Socioeconomic groups

People with serious and persistent mental illness

Human service and disaster relief workers
The majority of survivors are resilient and with time can integrate their disaster experiences and losses and move on. However, survivors who have significant concurrent psychosocial, health, or financial problems are at greater risk for depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress symptoms or an exacerbation of their pre-existing condition. When survivors have personally sustained severe disaster losses (e.g., death of a loved one, devastation of home and community), their reactions are more intensely expressed and over a longer period of time (Solomon & Green, 1992). This section includes a brief overview for each group. The disaster reactions described normally resolve over time with sufficient support and physical recovery. References for more detailed information are provided.

Age Groups

Each stage of life is accompanied by special challenges in coping with the aftermath of a disaster and age-related vulnerabilities to disaster stress. For children, their age and development determine their capacity cognitively to understand what is occurring around them and to regulate their emotional reactions. Children are more vulnerable to difficulty when they have experienced other life stresses in the year preceding the disaster, such as a divorce, a move, or the death of a family member or pet (Vogel & Vernberg, 1993). For adults, stress associated with family and home disruption, financial setbacks, and work overload predominate. For older adults, concerns regarding health, financial stability, and living independently become primary.

The age groups considered in this section are:

Preschool (ages 1-5)

Childhood (ages 6-11)

Pre-adolescence and Adolescence (ages 12-18)

Adults

Older Adults
Reactions and problems vary depending upon the phase of the post-disaster period. Some of the problems discussed appear immediately; many appear months later.

Preschool (ages 1-5)

Small children view their world from the perspectives of predictability, stability, and the availability of dependable caretakers. Disruption in any of these domains causes distress. Preschool age children often feel powerlessness and fear in the face of a disaster, especially if they are separated from parents. Because of their age and small size, they are unable to protect themselves or others. As a result, they may feel considerable anxiety and insecurity.

In the preschool years, children generally lack the verbal and conceptual skills necessary to understand and cope effectively with sudden unexpected stress. They typically look to parents and older siblings as behavior models, as well as for comfort and stability. Research has shown that children's reactions are more related to how their family or caregiver is coping than the actual objective characteristics of the disaster itself (Green et al., 1991).

Children who have lost one or both parents are especially in need. Loss of a relative, a playmate, or a pet is also a disturbing event for children. They will need opportunities to express their grief. One of the major fears of childhood is abandonment, so children need frequent reassurance they will be cared for.

Preschoolers express their upset through regressive behaviors such as thumb sucking, bed-wetting, clinging to their parents, a return of fear of the dark, or not wanting to sleep alone. They often have sleep problems and frightening dreams. These problems are best understood as normal expressions of anxiety about the disruption of their familiar routines and previously secure worlds.

In the natural course of events, small children will try to resolve traumatic experiences by reliving them in their play activities. They may reenact the earthquake, flood, or tornado repeatedly. Children should be encouraged to verbalize their questions, feelings, and misunderstandings about the disaster so that adults can listen and explain. Relief of disaster fears and anxiety is attained through reestablishing the child's sense of security. Frequent verbal reassurance, physical comforting, more frequent attention, comforting bedtime rituals, and mealtime routines are helpful. As much as possible, young children should stay with people with whom they feel most familiar.

Childhood (ages 6 - 11)

School age children are developing the cognitive capacity to understand the dangers to family and environment inherent in disasters. They are more able to understand the disaster event and the mitigating role of disaster preparedness. This awareness can also contribute to preoccupation with weather and disasters, and fears about family members being killed or injured. School age children have a great need to understand what has happened and the concrete steps that they can take for protection and preparedness in the future.

Children often have special bonds with playmates or pets. When the disaster causes loss of significant others due to death or relocation, the child may grieve deeply. They experience the full range of human emotions, but may not have the words or means to express their internal experience. Adults can assist children to express these powerful emotions through talking, play, art, and age-appropriate recovery or preparedness activities.

School age children also manifest their anxiety through regressive behavior. Returning to behavior appropriate for a younger age is trying for parents, but serves an initially functional purpose for the child. These behaviors include: irritability, whining, clinging, fighting with friends and siblings, competing with younger siblings for parents' attention, or refusing to go to school. Bedtime and sleep problems are common due to nightmares and fearfulness about sleeping alone or in the dark.

Sometimes children's behavior can be "super good" at home, because they are afraid of further burdening their parents or causing more family disruption. They may show disaster stress at school through concentration problems, a decline in academic performance, aggression toward classmates, or withdrawal from social interactions. Some children may have somatic reactions and seek attention from the school nurse for stomach aches, headaches, nausea, or other complaints.

Pre-adolescence and Adolescence (ages 12 - 18)

This age group has a great need to appear competent to the world around them, especially to their family and friends. They struggle with the conflicts inherent in moving toward independence from parents on the one hand and the desire to maintain the dependence of childhood on the other. Approval and acceptance from friends are of paramount importance. Adolescents need to feel that their anxieties and fears are both appropriate and shared by their peers.

Disaster stress may be internalized and expressed through psychosomatic symptoms such as, gastrointestinal distress, headaches, skin problems, or vague aches and pains. Sleep problems such as insomnia, night terrors, or sleeping excessively may signal internal upset. Adolescents may turn to alcohol or drugs to cope with their anxiety and loss.

Social or school problems may also occur. Acting out or rebellious behavior may involve fighting with others, stealing, or power struggles with parents. Other adolescents may express their distress through withdrawal from friends and family and avoidance of previously enjoyed activities. School performance may decline. When the disaster causes major destruction of home and community, an older adolescent may postpone the developmental step of moving away from home.

Adults

Adults are focused on family, home, jobs, and financial security. Many are involved with caring for elderly parents as well. Pre-disaster life often involves maintaining a precarious balance between competing demands. Following a disaster, this balance is lost with the introduction of the enormous time, financial, physical, and emotional demands of recovery. Children in the family are in special need of attention and familiar routines, yet parents do not have enough hours in the day to accomplish all that is before them.

Over time, this stress overload can be manifested through physical symptoms of headaches, increased blood pressure, ulcers, gastrointestinal problems, and sleep disorders. Somatic reactions are especially present in those who are less able to experience and express their emotions directly. Cultural, gender-based, or psychological factors may interfere with emotional expression and seeking social support.

Emotional reactions often oscillate between numbness and intense expression. Anxiety and depression are common, as adults grapple with both anxiety about future threats and grief about the loss of home, lifestyle, or community. Anger and frustration about relief efforts abound, sometimes reflecting a displacement of the "less rational" anger that the disaster happened to them and was out of their control.

Older Adults

In the normal course of life, older adults typically have coped with losses prior to the disaster. They may have successfully adjusted to losses of employment, family, home, loved ones, or physical capabilities. For some, coping with these prior losses has strengthened resilience. For others, the prior losses may have worn down the individual's reserves and the disaster is an overwhelming blow (Norris et al., 1994). As a result of the disaster, irreplaceable possessions such as photographs or mementos passed on through generations may be destroyed. Pets or gardens developed over years may be lost. Mental health workers must recognize the special meaning of these losses, if they are to assist with grieving.

Older adults living on limited incomes tend to reside in dwellings that are susceptible to disaster hazards due to the location and age of the buildings. Because of financial limitations and age, they may not be able to afford the repairs to their homes. Leaving familiar surroundings is especially difficult for those who experience deficits in hearing, vision, or memory, because they rely on known environmental cues to continue living independently.

Many older adults fear that if their diminished physical or cognitive abilities are revealed, they risk loss of independence or being institutionalized. As a result, they may under report the full extent of their problems and needs. They may continue living in damaged or unsanitary conditions, because they do not have the physical strength, stamina, or cognitive organizational ability to undertake disaster clean up. Disaster mental health workers must carefully assess the range and full extent of problems in living faced by the older survivor. Often, concrete practical assistance for recovery, stabilization, and engagement with appropriate resources allows the older adult to continue living independently.

A larger proportion of older persons, as compared with younger age groups, have chronic illnesses that may worsen with the stress of a disaster, particularly when recovery extends over months. They are more likely to be taking medications that need to be replaced quickly following a disaster. While older adults may be in more need of multiple services for recovery, they are often especially reluctant to accept help and what they perceive as "handouts." Disaster mental health programs can more quickly gain acceptance when they work closely with known, trusted organizations and employ older adults as outreach workers.

Disaster Reactions and Intervention Suggestions
Age Groups
Behavioral Symptoms
Physical Symptoms
Emotional Symptoms
Intervention Options

PRESCHOOL
(1 - 5)

Resumption of bed-wetting, thumb sucking
Clinging to parents
Fears of the dark
Avoidance of sleeping alone
Increased crying


Loss of appetite
Stomach aches
Nausea
Sleep problems, nightmares
Speech difficulties
Tics


Anxiety
Fear
Irritability
Angry outbursts
Sadness
Withdrawal


Give verbal assurance and physical comfort
Provide comforting bedtime routines
Avoid unnecessary separations
Permit child to sleep in parents' room temporarily
Encourage expression regarding losses (i.e., deaths, pets, toys)
Monitor media exposure to disaster trauma
Encourage expression through play activities
CHILDHOOD
(6 - 11)

Decline in school performance
Aggressive behavior at home or school
Hyperactive or silly behavior
Whining, clinging, acting like a younger child
Increased competition with younger siblings for parents' attention


Change in appetite
Headaches
Stomach aches
Sleep disturbances, nightmares


School avoidance
Withdrawal from friends, familiar activities
Angry outbursts
Obsessive preoccupation with disaster, safety


Give additional attention and consideration
Relax expectations of performance at home and at school temporarily
Set gentle but firm limits for acting out behavior
Provide structured but undemanding home chores and rehabilitation activities
Encourage verbal and play expression of thoughts and feelings
Listen to the child's repeated retelling of disaster event
Involve the child in preparation of family emergency kit, home drills
Rehearse safety measures for future disasters
Develop school disaster program for peer support, expressive activities, education on disasters, preparedness planning, identifying at-risk children
Disaster Reactions and Intervention Suggestions (Continued)
Age Groups
Behavioral Symptoms
Physical Symptoms
Emotional Symptoms
Emotional Symptoms

PRE-ADOLESCENCE AND ADOLESCENCE
(12 - 18)

Decline in academic performance
Rebellion at home or school
Decline in previous responsible behavior
Agitation or decrease in energy level, apathy
Delinquent behavior
Social withdrawal


Appetite changes
Headaches
Gastrointestinal problems
Skin eruptions
Complaints of vague aches and pains
Sleep disorders


Loss of interest in peer social activities, hobbies, recreation
Sadness or depression
Resistance to authority
Feelings of inadequacy and helplessness


Give additional attention and consideration
Relax expectations of performance at home and school temporarily
Encourage discussion of disaster experiences with peers, significant adults
Avoid insistence on discussion of feelings with parents
Encourage physical activities
Rehearse family safety measures for future disasters
Encourage resumption of social activities, athletics, clubs, etc.
Encourage participation in community rehabilitation and reclamation work
Develop school programs for peer support and debriefing, preparedness planning, volunteer community recovery, identifying at-risk teens
ADULTS

Sleep problems
Avoidance of reminders
Excessive activity level
Crying easily
Increased conflicts with family
Hypervigilance
Isolation, withdrawal


Fatigue, exhaustion
Gastrointestinal distress
Appetite change
Somatic complaints
Worsening of chronic conditions


Depression, sadness
Irritability, anger
Anxiety, fear
Despair, hopelessness
Guilt, self doubt
Mood swings


Provide supportive listening and opportunity to talk in detail about disaster experiences
Assist with prioritizing and problem-solving
Offer assistance for family members to facilitate communication and effective functioning
Assess and refer when indicated
Provide information on disaster stress and coping, children's reactions and families
Provide information on referral resources
Disaster Reactions and Intervention Suggestions (Continued)
Age Groups
Behavioral Symptoms
Physical Symptoms
Emotional Symptoms
Intervention Options

OLDER ADULTS

Withdrawal and isolation
Reluctance to leave home
Mobility limitations
Relocation adjustment problems


Worsening of chronic illnesses
Sleep disorders
Memory problems
Somatic symptoms
More susceptible to hypo- and hyperthermia
Physical and sensory limitations (sight, hearing) interfere with recovery


Depression
Despair about losses
Apathy
Confusion, disorientation
Suspicion
Agitation, anger
Fears of institutionalization
Anxiety with unfamiliar surroundings
Embarrassment about receiving "hand outs"


Provide strong and persistent verbal reassurance
Provide orienting information
Use multiple assessment methods as problems may be under reported (e.g., repeat observations, geriatric screening questions, discussion with family)
Provide assistance with recovery of possessions
Assist in obtaining medical and financial assistance
Assist in reestablishing familial and social contacts
Give special attention to suitable residential relocation
Encourage discussion of disaster losses and expression of emotions
Provide and facilitate referrals for disaster assistance
Engage providers of transportation, chore services, meals programs, home health, and home visits as needed
Cultural and Ethnic Groups

Disaster mental health programs must respond specifically and sensitively to the various cultural groups affected by a disaster. In many disasters, ethnic and racial minority groups may be especially hard hit because of socioeconomic conditions that force the community to live in housing that is particularly vulnerable. Language barriers, suspicion of governmental programs due to prior experiences, rejection of outside interference or assistance, and differing cultural values often contribute to disaster outreach programs' difficulty in establishing access and acceptance. Communities that take pride in their self-reliance are reluctant to seek or accept help, especially from mental health workers.

Cultural sensitivity is conveyed when disaster information and application procedures are translated into primary spoken languages and available in non-written forms. Intense emotions are typically experienced and expressed in a person's language of origin, so outreach teams that include bilingual, bicultural staff, and translators are able to interact more effectively with disaster survivors. Whenever possible, it is preferable to work with trained translators rather than family members, especially children, because of privacy concerns regarding mental health issues and the importance of preserving family roles.

Cultural groups have considerable variation regarding views on loss, death, home, spiritual practices, use of particular words, grieving, celebrating, mental health, and helping. The role of the family, who is included in the family, and who makes decisions also varies. Elders and extended family play a significant role in some cultures, whereas isolated nuclear families are the decision-makers in others.

It is essential that disaster mental health workers learn about the cultural norms, traditions, local history, and community politics from leaders and social service workers indigenous to the groups they are serving. Program outreach workers and mental health staff are most effective when they are bilingual and bicultural. During the program development phase, establishing working relationships with trusted organizations, service providers, and community leaders is helpful. Being respectful, nonjudgmental, well informed, and following through on stated plans dependably are especially important for outreach workers.

Socioeconomic Groups

Many affluent, middle to upper middle class people live with a sense of security and see themselves as invulnerable to the devastation and tragedy associated with disasters. Because of their financial resources and life situations, they may have been protected from crises in the past, and have purchased insurance for "protection" in the future. They are more accustomed to planning and controlling life events, rather than unexpected overwhelming events controlling them. Shock, disbelief, self blame, and anger predominate in the hours and days following a major disaster, as the reality of losses, danger, and the work that lies ahead begins to sink in.

Higher income families may never have received assistance from social service agencies before. Accepting clothing, food, money, or shelter can be difficult and sobering. While they may need emergency assistance initially, they often do have social, financial, family, or other resources that engage quickly and buffer the disaster's impact.

Affluent families typically rely on known professionals for their support-their family physician, minister, or psychotherapist. Disaster mental health programs focus on educating local health care professionals and religious leaders about disaster stress, because these providers are most likely to encounter upper class survivors in need. Psychosocial Issues for Children and Families in Disaster: A Guide for the Primary Care Physician (CMHS, 1995) is an informative resource for training. Recovery programs can also coordinate disaster mental health counseling and support groups through these known and trusted entities.

In contrast, low-income survivors have fewer resources and greater pre-existing vulnerability when disaster strikes. While they may have developed more crisis survival skills than the more protected upper class individuals, they often lack the availability of support and housing from family and friends and do not have insurance coverage or monetary savings. Without these, the recovery process is even more arduous and prolonged, and sometimes impossible. Federal and State disaster assistance programs are designed to meet serious and urgent needs. The intent of these programs is not to replace all losses. Uninsured, poor families may have unmet needs and should be referred to non-profit disaster relief organizations and unmet needs committees. If they are renters, they may be faced with unaffordable increases in rent after landlords have invested money to repair their properties. They may be dislocated to temporary disaster housing that is undesirable and removed from their social supports. Relocation may make transportation and getting to appointments more difficult.

Faced with these multiple challenges and assistance that falls short of solving the problems before them, low-income disaster survivors can feel overwhelmed. For those with limited reading and writing abilities, obtaining accurate information and completing forms is difficult. Disaster mental health workers are most effective when they provide concrete problem-solving assistance that facilitates addressing priority needs. Workers must be knowledgeable about the full range of community resources available to people of limited economic means and actively engage this resource network with those in need.

People With Serious and Persistent Mental Illness

Clinical field experience has shown that disaster survivors with mental illness function fairly well following a disaster, if essential services have not been interrupted. People with mental illness have the same capacity to "rise to the occasion" and perform heroically as the general population during the immediate aftermath of the disaster. Many demonstrate an increased ability to handle this stress without an exacerbation of their mental illness, especially when they are able to maintain their medication regimens.

However, some survivors with mental illness have achieved only a tenuous balance before the disaster. The added stress of the disaster disrupts this balance; for some, additional mental health support services, medications, or hospitalization may be necessary to regain stability. For individuals diagnosed with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), disaster stimuli (e.g., helicopters, sirens) may trigger an exacerbation due to associations with prior traumatic events.

Many people with mental illness are vulnerable to sudden changes in their environment and routines. Orienting to new organizations and systems for disaster relief assistance can be difficult. Program planners need to be aware of how disaster services are being perceived and build bridges that facilitate access and referrals where necessary. Disaster mental health services designed for the general population are equally beneficial for those with mental illness; disaster stress affects all groups. In addition, when case managers and community mental health counselors have a solid understanding of disaster mental health issues, they are able to better provide services to this population following a disaster. Responding to the Needs of People with Serious and Persistent Mental Illness in Times of Major Disaster provides a comprehensive discussion of planning, preparedness, and options for service delivery with this population (CMHS, 1996).

Human Service and Disaster Relief Workers

Workers in all phases of disaster relief, whether in law enforcement, local government, emergency response, or victim support, experience considerable demands to meet the needs of the survivors and the community. Typically, disaster workers are altruistic, compassionate, and dedicated people who occasionally have difficulty knowing when it is time to take a break from the operation. For many, the disaster response takes precedence over all other responsibilities and activities. The brochure, Prevention and Control of Stress Among Emergency Workers-A Pamphlet for Workers, is an excellent resource for both disaster relief workers and mental health providers (NIMH, 1987). This brochure highlights the importance of having a personal emergency preparedness plan, so that workers are assured that their families are safe while they devote themselves to disaster relief for the community.

Relief workers may witness human tragedy and serious physical injuries, depending on the nature of the disaster and their role. This contributes to the psychological impact of their work. In disasters in which there is a high level of exposure to human suffering, injuries, and fatalities, providing psychological support and interventions for workers is especially necessary. In addition, relief workers and first responders should be considered a target group for ongoing services during the course of the disaster mental health recovery program.

As some order returns to the community, many workers, particularly volunteers, return to their regular jobs. However, they may attempt to continue with their disaster work. Over time, the result of this overwork can be the "burn-out" syndrome. This state of exhaustion, irritability, and fatigue creeps up unrecognized and can markedly decrease the individual's effectiveness and capability. These workers may be avoiding problems at home by working constantly. Disaster mental health workers should be on the lookout for workers whose coping resources have eroded due to their personal vulnerabilities and seemingly unrelenting workload. The next section in this manual, "Stress Prevention and Management," offers suggestions for identifying, educating, and intervening with those who may be having stress reactions and difficulty coping.

References and Recommended Reading

Bolin, R. & Bolton, P. Race, Religion and Ethnicity in Disaster Recovery. Colorado: University of Colorado Institute of Behavioral Science, 1986.

Center for Mental Health Services. Manual for Child Health Workers in Major Disasters. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services; Publication No. (ADM) 86-1070. (Rev. ed. in press.)

Center for Mental Health Services. Responding to the Needs of People with Serious and Persistent Mental Illness in Times of Major Disaster. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services; Publication No. (SMA) 96-3077, 1996.

Center for Mental Health Services. Psychosocial Issues for Children and Families in Disasters: A Guide for the Primary Care Physician. Washington, D.C.: US Department of Health and Human Services; Publication No. (SMA) 95-3022, 1995.

Gerrity, E. T. & Steinglass, P. Relocation stress following natural disasters. In: Ursano, R. J., McCaughey, B. G., & Fullerton, C. S. (Eds.). Individual and Community Responses to Trauma and Disaster: The Structure of Human Chaos. Great Britain: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

Gist, R. & Lubin, B. (Eds.). Psychological Aspects of Disaster. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1989.

Green, B. L., Korol, M., Grace, M. C., Vary, M. G., Leonard, A. C., Gleser, G. C. & Smitson-Cohen, S. Children and disaster: Age, gender, and parental effects on PTSD symptoms. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 30, 945-951, 1991.

Green, B. L. & Solomon, S. D. The mental health impact of natural and technological disasters. In Freedy, J. R. & Hobfoll (Eds.). Traumatic Stress: From Theory to Practice. New York: Plenum, 1995.

LaGreca, A. M., Vernberg, E. M., Silverman, W. K., Vogel, A. L. & Prinstein, M. J. Helping Children Prepare for and Cope with Natural Disasters: A Manual for Professionals Working with Elementary School Children. BellSouth Corporation, 1995. (To obtain copies: Contact Dr. La Greca, Department of Psychology, University of Miami, P.O. Box 248185, Coral Gables, FL 33124.)

Mitchell, J. & Bray, G. Emergency Services Stress: Guidelines for Preserving the Health and Careers of Emergency Services Personnel. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1990.

National Institute of Mental Health. Prevention and Control of Stress Among Emergency Workers: A Pamphlet for Workers. Washington, D.C.: U. S. Department of Health and Human Services; Publication No. (ADM) 90-1497, 1987.

Norris, F. H., Phifer, J. F. & Kaniasty, K. Individual and community reactions to the Kentucky floods: Findings from a longitudinal study of older adults. In: Ursano, R. J., McCaughey, B. G., & Fullerton, C. S. (Eds.). Individual and Community Responses to Trauma and Disaster: The Structure of Human Chaos. Great Britain: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

Saylor, C. F. (Ed.). Children and Disasters. New York: Plenum Press, 1993.

Solomon, S. D. & Green, B. L. Mental health effects of natural and human-made disasters. PTSD Research Quarterly, 3 (1), 1-8, 1992.

Sue, D. W. & Sue, D. Counseling the Culturally Different: Theory and Practice. New York: Wiley, 1990.

Ursano, R. J., McCaughey, B. G., & Fullerton, C. S. (Eds.). Individual and Community Responses to Trauma and Disaster: The Structure of Human Chaos. Great Britain: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

U. S. Department of Health and Human Services. Action Plan of the Administration on Aging to Strengthen the Disaster Response Capacity to Serve Older People. Rockville, MD, 1994. Vogel, J. M. & Vernberg, E. M. Children's psychological responses to disasters. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 22(4), 464-484, 1993.
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